by juster means, is fairly entitled to the support of those who supported the former bill. It is said, however, though not quite correctly, that the members of the last administration are a majority of the present. But what, if it were so, would be the inference? There is no reason why those who sat in a former cabinet should not sit in this. I hope the present cabinet is not one in which there will always be a necessity of counting noses, and of coming to a vote upon every measure. When differences of opinion exist, there is room for mutual concession and accommodation where men agree in a general object. If this were not the case, how could any administration go on? far more an administration formed on the broad basis which some gentlemen consider so desirable? Were I to take the broad hint which has been given me, and had that sort of administration been formed, the failure of which is represented as having struck such despair throughout the country, how could any measure have been carried in the cabinet among men, who have had long and important differences, unless mutual accommodation and concession had taken place? It is said, however, that there has not been a sufficient change in the ministry. But, surely, the right honourable gentleman* below me at least must be satisfied that the change is sufficient, and that the present is really a new administration.And, notwithstanding all that has been said of it, I hold it be substantial enough to answer the purposes for which it was formed.

Many objections have been urged against it by the honourable gentleman who spoke last, who has indulged himself in that vein of pleasantry and humour, for which he has most deservedly ac quired so much celebrity, in comparing some of the members of the present administration with those whom they have succeeded in office, and has indulged himself particularly in contrasting Lord Melville with the Earl of St. Vincent. I should unquestionably think myself extremely wrong, were I to say that Lord Melville was as good a sailor, or understood how to work or fight a ship of war as well as Earl St. Vincent; but yet I can have no hesitation *Mr. Addington.

to say, that, in my opinion, there is every reason to suppose that Lord Melville will make a better first lord of the admiralty; for experience has often forcibly shewn us, that it is by no means necessary that a first lord of the admiralty should be a naval character. And, though it may not be fit to speak of myself, it surely will not be considered that it is no change, that the office of first lord of the treasury, reckoned that which has a leading influence in the executive government, is now held by me. Few will doubt that a very real change has taken place. With respect to any differences of opinion which I may have had with the late administration, it will not be pretended that they were of such a nature as to prevent us from acting in the most cordial and satisfactory manner upon general affairs. For those, my right honourable and noble friends, I have uniformly entertained the utmost private friendship and esteem. With them I have thought and acted almost without interruption on every public question since our acquaintance commenced. Neither is there the slightest ground to imagine that another noble friend of mine *, whom I have always esteemed and loved, is degraded by taking the home instead of the foreign department; though I confess there were some parts of the foreign system which I did not approve, and of which it is not now necessary to say more. Those who know the fact, know how far that change was from any motive that could infer degradation. Indeed, Sir, I cannot see with what view such a thing could be mentioned, unless it were for the purpose of sowing jealousies and dissensions among his Majesty's present ministers, and, as such, it deserves my severest animadversion.

If the present bill should be lost, I shall be sorry for it, because the house and the country will thereby lose a good measure; but the honourable gentlemen opposite will be much mistaken if they think they will thereby be any thing the nearer getting rid of me. It is well known, and has ever been allowed to be one of the first and most established privileges and prerogatives of the crown, that his Majesty has a right to choose and nominate his own mi

* Lord Hawkesbury.

nisters and with that conviction on my mind, I shall not be deterred from bringing forward such measures as may be necessary in aid and support of the present bill, which I have no doubt will meet the approbation of a considerable majority, notwith standing all the opposition it has met with from the honourable gentleman on the opposite side of the house.

THE order of the day being read, for taking into consideration the papers relative to the war with Spain,

Mr. PITT rose, and addressed the house as follows:

I feel great satisfaction, Sir, that the day is at length arrived, when we can enter into that full and ample discussion of the papers before the house, which the magnitude of the subject requires ; and though I am satisfied that a perusal of these papers, and an impartial consideration of the transactions to which they refer, would be sufficient to convince every rational mind of the rectitude of the measures pursued by his Majesty's government, and of the justice of the war in which we are engaged, yet, reflecting how much the complete illustration of the policy by which we have been guided, and the vindication of the steps which have been adopted, are necessary to the credit of his Majesty's government, and to the honour of the British nation, I trust I shall be excused if I go somewhat at length into a review of the different aspects of our relations, and the progress of the discussions with Spain previous to the war. In the course of what I shall have the honour to submit to the house, I hope that I shall be able, not only to establish that which I believe few can be now disposed to question, the ultimate justice and neces

sity of the war; but also, the exemplary moderation, liberality, and forbearance of the ministers of this country in every period of our relation with Spain since the breaking out of the war with France; and when unexpected circumstances required the departure from the system of lenity which it was always the desire of the British government to exercise, that though they were not deficient in vigour to vindicate the rights, and to avenge the cause of the country, they never deviated from the law of nations or the principles of good faith.

In the first place, then, it is necessary to take into consideration the relative situation in which Spain stood towards this country at the breaking out of the war, in consequence of her antecedent engagements with France. I need hardly say more to characterize that situation, than barely mention the treaty of St. Ildefonso, and the stipulations it contained. Spain was bound to France by a treaty, on the face of it both offensive and defensive; and, in fact, a treaty which was by the contracting parties so intitled. Besides guaranteeing neutrality, their territories, &c. they agree to assist each other with 15 ships of the line, and 24,000 men; and this assistance, too, as appears from the 8th article, is to be given upon the demand of the requiring party, and the demand is to be taken as conclusive evidence of the necessity, precluding the party required from making any investigation or inquiry as to the justice of the war, or the policy of the object for which the succours were to be granted. Nay, by the 11th article of this treaty, the contracting parties are to assist each other with their whole forces, in case the stipulated succours should be insufficient. This treaty it is most important to keep in view, as the foundation of all the proceedings which it was thought incumbent on this government to adopt. The Spanish ambassador in this country, in several of the notes before the house, it will be seen, endeavours to set up his own, as appears too, in the first instance, unauthorised reasonings, to shew that this treaty was not offensive. To such reasonings I oppose the treaty itself, which expressly puts at the disposal of France the whole power and resources of the Spanish monarchy by sea and

land; which strips Spain of the right to ask a question, or ex◄ ercise any judgment as to the purpose of the succours she is to furnish. Such a treaty, unless distinctly disclaimed, I contend must ipso facto have rendered Spain a principal in the war. On the face of it such is the treaty of St. Ildefonso; and if any thing were wanting to explain its tendency, it would be the example of what happened in the year 1796, in which the offensive provisions were specifically directed against England. In deed, who that recollects the circumstances in which the treaty was concluded, and when Spain was compelled to subscribe and ratify that record of her vassalage to France, can doubt the spirit of the contract, or its hostility to the British Nation?

Such was the situation in which his Majesty's ministers found themselves, when the aggressions and injustice of the present ruler of France forced them into the present rupture. This was the situation of the relations between both countries when his Majesty's ministers, actuated by sentiments which I cannot but applaud, resolved to delay their determination with respect to the light in which they should regard Spain, till they should see in what manner, and to what extent, Spain would be disposed to carry its observance of the terms of the treaty. In whatever light the treaty should be viewed, it could not be considered on the part of Spain, but as a reluctant tribute to the overbearing dictates of its ambitious and tyrannic ally; yet, while stipulations so directly hostile to the interests and security of this country remained in force, no man, I am confident, in this house, will deny, that it could be attributed only to extreme pusillanimity on the part of his Majesty's government, if they had not required the clear, distinct, and explicit renunciation of the offen sive articles. But the feelings to which I have alluded, for the degraded and humiliating situation of that country, and which so justly influenced his Majesty's ministers on the occasion, dictated a spirit of moderation and forbeara ce in the measures they adopted with respect to a court, of which, though an enemy, I am not disposed to speak with severity, at the same time that I cannot but admit that in its present state it seems to