from heaven, in order to reconcile men to their novelty on earth; and there is hardly a royal family in Europe whose ancestors cannot be traced back through fifty or sixty generations; for their progenitors, if not royal, were noble, and had been so from remote antiquity. A band of robbers, sprung from the lowest of society, who should call themselves kings and princes, might be feared, laughed at, and worshipped, but they could never be respected. On the other hand, the claims of merit, added to official rank, can never be despised for want of noble origin, they derive their respect from their evident utility, sanctioned by the reason and not by the folly of mankind. How ridiculous must a set of self-created kings and princes appear who claim a little chiefly supported by prejudices, without having any of those prejudices in their favor; they may be feared, but fear is a treacherous guardian of security: if they wish to be loved, they must seek for it in their virtues, real, and not pretended. The newly-assumed dignity of Bonaparte and his family has two difficulties to contend with, the want of prejudice, and the want of virtue; and these, time alone can overcome. If it passes quietly from the first possessor to another, it may take root and flourish ; but if it cannot bear the first transmission, it will fall never again to be raised

CHAP. XXVII.

BONAPARTE CHOSEN KING OF ITALY-CEREMONY OF HIS CORONATION AT MILAN-UNITES GENOA TO FRANCEHIS PROPOSAL OF PEACE MADE TO BRITAIN-TREATY OF CONCERT BETWEEN THE COURTS OF LONDON, PETERSBURG, AND STOCKHOLM ACCEDED TO BY THE CABINET OF VIENNA GRAND CELEBRATION OF BONAPARTE'S BIRTH-DAY BY THE FRENCH ARMIES HIS PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.

BONAPARTE, whose authority was now almost unbounded, who, from a fortunate concurrence of events, seconded by his own extraordinary vigour and address, had attained the imperial dignity, was not disposed to remain satisfied with the tranquil enjoyment of power. He was still influenced by the same restless and enterprising spirit which had marked every step in his singular career. His ambition was not of an ordinary character. The contemplation of his force, the recollection of what he had already achieved, led him to aim at something much beyond the scope of common minds. He was desirous, it is said, of being distinguished among the great names of history, as a conqueror and a legislator; as one who had determined the destinies of Europe, and imprinted a new form and character upon the nations of which it is composed. Nothing was allowed to interfere with the prosecution of this great object. He pursued his march with the most inflexible preseverence, equally regardless of the principles of justice, the obligation of treaties, and the interests and repose of the people, whom the inscrutable decrees of Providence had submitted to his sway. Unfortunately for the happiness and tranquillity of the world, his power and the talents by which

it was directed were correspondent to the magnitude of his designs. The cabinets of Europe observed with indignation and alarm the system which prevailed in his councils; but they were kept in awe by the contemplation of his force, and by the recollection of former disasters. He observed and profited from this general supineness and timidity, and ad<vanced from one act of usurpation to another, without opposi→ tion, and almost without complaint.

The establishment of the new empire of the French, and the elevation of Bonaparte to the imperial dignity, was followed by a correspondent alteration in the government of the Italian republic. Several considerations contributed to this change. It might, perhaps, be supposed, that the humble office of president was degrading to the majesty of the emperor. The administration of a monarchy was more simple, and required less delicacy of management than a republic, in which, however modelled, a striking inconsistency must for ever appear between the forms of popular proceedings and the absolute authority of the chief, But above all, it was a part of the policy and the ambition of Bonaparte, not merely to possess, but to be enabled to transmit his power; and the establishment of the principle of hereditary succession, which seemed involved in the very idea of monarchy, was with dif ficulty reconcileable to a republic.

In order to prepare the way for the accomplishment of this object, it was observed that the constitution established at Lyons was a mere temporary arrangement, and designed only to answer an immediate exigency; that it had always been intended that the system should be revised as soon as the situation of Europe and of Italy would permit. That period had at length arrived, and it was proper to take immediate measures for the accomplishment of this important object. The vice-president of the Italian republic, Melzi, the members of the consulta of state, and the deputies of the colleges, and the constituted bodies, had repaired to Paris for the purpose of attending at the imperial coronation. Bonaparte af

fected to consider this embassy as the legal representative and organ of the Italian republic. He therefore ordered the members to assemble for the purpose of considering the state of their government and laws, and directed them to suggest such alterations and improvements as the situation of the country might appear to require. After a decent interval of deliberation, it was determined, that the republican form of government was ill-calculated for the interest and happiness of the people of Italy; that it became requisite, therefore, as a preliminary measure, that it should give place to the establishment of a constitutional monarchy, and that Bonaparte should be entreated to accept the sovereignty.

The members of the deputation requested to be admitted to a public audience, and this application was immediately granted. Upon the appointed day, Bonaparte, seated upon the imperial throne, and attended, according to the ceremo nial of the new empire, gave orders for the admission of the Italian deputies. They were introduced by the grand master of the ceremonies; and the result of their labours was communicated in a studied oration by the vice-president Melzi. The topics were sufficiently obvious. The constitution of Lyons was merely provincial, and a change had become ne-cessary in order to insure the repose and the happiness of Italy. The subject had been maturely and anxiously considered. The superior advantages of a constitutional monarchy were ́established, as well by experience as by the deductions of reason. The sovereign himself was designated by every sentiment of gratitude, of confidence, and affection. Deign then, sire,' said the orator, deign to perfect the wish of the assembly, over which I have the honour to preside. The sinterpreter of all the sentiments which animate the hearts of the Italian citizens, brings to you in this wish the most sincere homage. It will report to them with joy, that in accepting it you will have doubled the strength of the ties which bind you to the preservation, the defence, and the prosperity of the Italian empire. Yes, sire, you wished that the Italian re

public should exist, and it has existed. Wish that the Italian monarchy should be happy, and it shall be so." Bonaparte was easily prevailed upon to yield to the wishes and entreaties of the citizens of Italy. After a short pause, he replied to the address of the vice-president. He reminded the deputies that to him their country was indebted for the original establishment of its independence; and he expatiated upon the interest which he had always taken in the welfare of the republic. When at Lyons,' he added, you deemed it for your interest that we should be at the head of your government; and still persevering in the same opinion, you now will that we should be the first of your kings. The separation of the crowns of France and Italy, which might be advantageous to insure the independence of your posterity, would at the pres sent moment be fatal to your existence and tranquillity! shall keep this crown, but only so long as your interest shall require it and I shall with pleasure see the moment arrive when I can place it on the head of a younger person, animated by my spirit, and equally anxious to provide for your security and happiness. The joint resolutions of the consulta, the deputies of the colleges, and the constituted bodies were then read by Melzi, and adopted by Bonaparte, It was stipulated that the throne of Italy should be hereditary in the male lines both natural and adopted, to the perpetual exclusion of feis males and their issue ; and that the right of adoption should not extend to any other persons than a citizen of the French empire, or of the republic of Italy that the crown of Italy should not be united to that of France, except upon the head of the present emperor, and that none of his successors should be allowed to reign in Italy unless they resided upon the tera ritory of the Italian republic; that Bonaparte should have the right of giving himself, during his life, a successor among his legitimate male children, whether begotten or adopted ; But that he could not exercise this right without endangering the security of the state as long as the French troops continued to