occupy the kingdom of Naples, as long as the Russian armies retained possession of Corfu, as long as the British forces held Malta, and the peninsula of Italy was every instant in danger of becoming the theatre of war between the greatest powers of Europe. It must be evident that this solemn farce was prepared, and the parts assigned to the several performers under the immediate direction of the French government. The whole proceeding is too much in the stile of coarse and vulgar policy to impose even upon the most careless observer. It would appear, indeed, as if Bonaparte had scarcely condescended to attempt concealing the real nature of the transaction. The motives also which led to the limitations in the descent of the crown, and to the hope which was held out that Bonaparte might, at some future period, be induced to resign the scep-. tre, are sufficiently clear and intelligible. The separation of the two governments had been stipulated at the pacification of Luneville, and it was a part of the policy of the French cabinet to profess upon all occasions a religious respect for the obligation of treaties. The continuance of the war, however, afforded a pretext for the temporary union of the two crowns; Europe, in the mean time, would become gradually accustomed to the state of things; and before the termination of the contest some other excuse, equally satisfactory and valid, might be found to justify the permanent establishment of the system. Bonaparte had also an opportunity of making a signal display of his moderation, in declining to accept in its full extent the offer made by the Italian deputies; and a specious answer was furnished, by the terms of this settlement, to those who might object, that by placing the crown upon his head, Italy would become a mere province of France and her national independence be for ever annihilated. Bonaparte soon after made a journey to Italy, to assume, with the requisite solemnities, the crown of his new kingdom. The ceremony was performed on the 26th of May, in the cathedral church of Milan, by Cardinal Caprara the archbishop of that city, who was authorised by the pope to preside upon this occasion. In the preparations for this grand spectacle, a suitable and prudent attention had been paid to the influence of external splendour, and to the weight derived from the authority of religion, and the veneration paid to antient and established forms. Bonaparte, wearing the two diadems of France and Italy, bearing the sceptre and the hand of justice, and clothed with the royal mantle, proceeded in the midst of a magnificent and solemn procession from the palace to the cathedral. He was met at the entrance of the church by the cardinal and the clergy, and the air was perfumed with the incense which was burnt in the presence of their new sovereign. Sire,' said the cardinal, addressing Bonaparte, deign to accept in this sacred temple, chosen by your majesty for the solemn ceremony of your coronation, the homage of the clergy and people of Milan; and look with the eyes of a tender father upon the assembly of cardinal, bishops, and clergy, who this day unite with me to celebrate that august event, and to implore the Author of all good to shower down upon your imperial and royal person an abundance of all heavenly blessings. Bonaparte was then introduced to the sanctuary, and conducted to a throne which was decorated with the insignia of the French empire and of the kingdom of Italy. The insignia of Charlemagne were placed at the entrance of the sanctuary in front of the altar. Upon this altar the royal ornaments were then deposited, and the cardinal pronounced over them his solemn benediction. Bonaparte, advancing from his throne, received from the hand of the cardinal the ring, and other ensigns of royalty. He then ascended the steps of the altar, and taking in his hands the crown of iron, the ancient crown of the kings of Lombardy, he placed it with a determined air upon his head, pronounc ing at the same time with a firm voice these emphatical words, "Dieu me la donne, gare a qui la touche.' He then returned it to the altar; and taking the crown of Italy, placed it in like manner, amidst the acclamations of the spectators, upon his head. From the sanctuary Bonaparte, proceeding to the body of the church, ascended the throne which had been raised for this occasion, attended by the great officers of state, and surrounded by all the ensigns of power, and with every circumstance of studied magnificence and pomp. The grand almoner upon his knee presented the volume of the gospels, and the oath of coronation was delivered by the president of the councils. Bonaparte having pronounced the oath, a herald immediately proclaimed in a loud voice, Napoleon, emperor of the French, and king of Italy, is crowned and enthroned.-Long live the emperor and king!' in the same instant all the attendants repeated, Long live the emperor and king!' and the church resounded with the shouts and applause of the multitude. The ceremony was concluded with a Te Deum, and the procession returned to the palace. While Bonaparte was employed at Milan in settling the constitution and civil code of his new kingdom, his agents were actively engaged in another quarter in preparing the way for a fresh act of usurpation. The republic of Genoa, notwithstanding the narrrow limits of its territory, had occupied a distinguished place in the history of modern Europe. It was indebted for this celebrity partly to accidental causes, and partly to the advantages of its situation and the enterprising spirit of its people. The various revolutions of this republic, its alternate state of freedom and of subjection to foreign influence, are familiarly known. The period, however, had at length arrived when even the forms of national independence were to terminate; and the republic was destined to be absorbed and lost in the immense and overwhelming mass of the French empire. The disastrous events which resulted from this revolution, the war of which it appears to have been the immediate occasion, and the fatal issue of that war, not merely to the greatness of the house of Austria, but to the general liberties of Europe, will render it an event for ever memorable in the history of mankind. The foundations of this measure were laid several months before Bonaparte's journey to Italy. Under pretence that the Genoese were incapable of protecting themselves from the depredations of the Barbary powers, a treaty was concluded on the 20th of Oct. 1804, between that republic and Salicetti, the French minister, upon the part and in the name of his government. By this treaty Bonaparte engaged either to procure for the Genoese a peace with the corsairs of Africa, or to allow them to make use of the French flag for the security of their commerce. It was stipulated also, that upon payment of a small duty the importation of all Genoese commodities should be permitted into Piedmont and the territories of Parma and Placentia. As an equivalent for these advantages, Genoa engaged to furnish 6000 seamen to France during the war. By another article she ceded to that power her harbours, together with the arsenal, galley-harbour, dockyard, and basin, and engaged at her own expence to enlarge the latter, so as to render it capable of receiving the ten ships of the line, which she undertook to build for France. At the time when this convention was signed, a ship of the line, a frigate, and two corvettes recently finished, were lying in the dock of Genoa. It was further agreed that these vessels should be placed at the disposal of the French government. By the provisions of this treaty, which were evidently dictated by Bonaparte himself, he acquired complete possession of all the naval means and resources of the Genoese republic. But this arrangement was from its nature merely temporary. Bonaparte was resolved that it should assume a more permanent character, he was resolved to possess the form as well as the substance of power, and he determined therefore upou the permanent annexion of the republic to the French empire. The particular situation of the Genoese territories seems to have been a principal motive to this measure. That republic, extending along the gulf to which it has given its name, was interposed between Piedmont and the Mediterranean; and as this latter country had been united to France, the incorporation of Genoa became necessary in order to complete the arrangement. The line of policy to be pursued upon this occasion was extremely simple. It was convenient that some decent attention should be paid to the form of the proceedings, and that at least some appearance of moderation should be assumed. It was accordingly determined that the proposal for the union should originate with the senate and the people of Genoa, and that Bonaparte should seem to accede to the general wishes and entreaties of the republic. Accordingly the requisite precautions having been adopted, and the minds of the people sufficiently prepared for the event, the senate, after due deliberation, resolved that an address should be presented to Bonaparte, praying that he would allow the republic of Genoa to be permanently united to the French empire. This address was signed not only by the members of the senate, but by many individuals who had been either overawed or gained to the French interest; and it was ordered that an embassy consisting of the doge and the deputies of the senate and people should proceed to Milan for the pupose of presenting it to the emperor. Upon their arrival in that city they publicly unfolded the object of their mission. Bonaparte was not inexorable. He listened with attention and with favour; and afterwards addressed the doge and the deputies in a laboured speech, in which he enlarged with becoming gravity upon the importance and the necessity of this union to the republic of Genoa. After adverting to the depredations committed upon the trade of the republic by the Barbary powers, and to the maritime tyranny exercised by Great Britain, he observed that 'when a commercial nation could no longer maintain its naval independence, it became necessary to resort to the protection of a more powerful flag. "I will,' added he, realize your expectations. I will unite |