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republic, extending along the gulf to which it has given its name, was interposed between Piedmont and the Mediterranean; and as this latter country had been united to France, the incorporation of Genoa became necessary in order to complete the arrangement.

The line of policy to be pursued upon this occasion was extremely simple. It was convenient that some decent attention should be paid to the form of the proceedings, and that at least some appearance of moderation should be assumed. It was accordingly determined that the proposal for the union should originate with the senate and the people of Genoa, and that Bonaparte should seem to accede to the general wishes and entreaties of the republic. Accordingly the requisite precautions having been adopted, and the minds of the people sufficiently prepared for the event, the senate, after due deliberation, resolved that an address should be presented to Bonaparte, praying that he would allow the republic of Genoa to be permanently united to the French empire. This address was signed not only by the members of the senate, but by many individuals who had been either overawed or gained to the French interest; and it was ordered that an embassy consisting of the doge and the deputies of the senate and people should proceed to Milan for the pupose of presenting it to the emperor. Upon their arrival in that city they publicly unfolded the object of their mission. Bonaparte was not inexorable. He listened with attention and with favour; and afterwards addressed the doge and the deputies in a laboured speech, in which he enlarged with becoming gravity upon the importance and the necessity of this union to the republic of Genoa. After adverting to the depredations committed upon the trade of the republic by the Barbary powers, and to the maritime tyranny exercised by Great Britain, he observed that 'when a commercial nation could no longer maintain its naval independence, it became necessary to resort to the protection of a more powerful flag. "I will,' added he, realize your expectations. I will unite

you to my great people. I shall thereby acquire additional means of rendering that protection more powerful, which I have been always so well disposed to extend to you. My people will with pleasure receive you. The signatures of all your citizens subscribed to the request which you now make to me dispel every objection which I might have had to urge. They constitute the only right which I consider as legitimate. In causing that law to be respected, I shall only establish the independence which I have promised you.'

While Bonaparte was thus proceeding from one act of usurpation to another, the different courts of Europe were neither inattentive nor indifferent to his conduct; though the art and insolence of both were employed to deceive or overawe them. One of the first measures he adopted after his elevation to the imperial dignity, was to transmit overtures to the British government. It had been a part of his regular system of policy, from the moment when he was first invested with the supreme power, to make the warmest professions of his love for peace. In the midst of the most unjustifiable aggressions, when trampling upon the rights of independent states, he constantly affected to deplore the miseries of war, and reprobated the ambitious conduct and views of his enemies. The event of his pacific declarations and proposals he contemplated with carelessness and indifference. Whether in peace or war, he aimed at the same objects, and pursued them with the same eagerness of ambition. The means alone were different; the end was uniform and constant. When this new communication was made to the king of Great Britain, it was possible, from the posture of affairs, that a new confederacy might be formed, and war again kin→ dled on the continent of Europe: and as in all governments, even the most arbitrary, public opinion has some weight, it was of importance to persuade the people of France, that the continuance of hostilities was to be ascribed entirely to the ambition of England. In the event of a new coalition, they would be disposed to co-operate more cordially with the state,

and to submit with greater cheerfulness to the sacrifices which would be required of them, if they were satisfied of the moderate views and pacific spirit of their own government, and were led to believe, that instead of provoking war, it had been compelled to defend itself against the injustice and aggression of foreign powers.

The overtures of the French government were conveyed in the form of a letter, addressed by Bonaparte to his Britannic majesty. This unusual mode of communication, which he had before adopted upon his accession to the office of first consul, was chosen from an affectation of extraordinary frankness and candour, and from a professed desire to disengage so important a transaction from the intrigues of cabinets, and the perplexities and delays of form. After adverting to his recent elevation to the throne of France, he observed that the war was without an object, and that it was therefore impossible to foresee its termination. 'Peace,' he continued, is the wish of my heart; but war has never been inconsistent with my glory. I conjure your majesty not to deny yourself the happiness of giving peace to the world, nor to leave that satisfaction to your children: for certainly there never was a more fortunate opportunity, nor a moment more favourable to silence every passion, and to listen only to the sentiments of humanity and reason. This moment once lost, what end can be assigned to a war which all my efforts shall not have been able to terminate? Your majesty has gained more within ten years, both in territory and riches, than the whole extent of Europe. Your nation is at the highest point of prosperity: What can it hope from war? To form a coalition. among some powers of the continent? The continent will remain tranquil a coalition can only increase the preponderance and continental greatness of France. To renew intestine troubles -The times are no longer the same. To destroy our finances ?-Finances founded on a flourishing agriculture can never be destroyed. To take from France. her colonies? The colonies are to France only a secondary

object; and does not your majesty already possess more than you know how to preserve? If your majesty would but reflect, you must perceive that the war is without an object, without any presumable result to yourself!-Alas! what a melancholy prospect, that two nations should fight, merely for the sake of fighting-The world is sufficiently large for our two nations to live in, and reason is sufficiently powerful to discover means of reconciling every thing when the wish for reconciliation exists upon both sides. I have, however, fulfilled a sacred duty, and one that is dear to my heart.-I trust your majesty will believe in the sincerity of my sentiments, and my wish to give you every proof of it.'

There appeared no adequate reason to induce the British government to depart, upon this occasion, from the usual mode of communicating with foreign powers. It was evident, indeed, that the establishment of such a precedent might lead to much inconvenience. It had always been a part of the European system, and was founded upon just ideas of decorum, and of the importance of maintaining the dignity of the crown, that the sovereign should never communicate with foreign powers except through the medium of his ministers, Thus the individual honour of the prince was never pledged; and he was preserved from all personal recrimination and contest, the effect of which might have been to degrade the majesty of the throne in the opinion and esteem of the multitude. The answer to the overtures of Bonaparte was accordingly transmitted, by the British cabinet, through the secretary of state, Lord Mulgrave, to the French minister for foreign affairs. It stated that there was no object which his majesty had more at heart than to avail himself of the first opportunity to procure again for his subjects the advantages of peace, founded upon such a basis as might not be incompatible with the permanent security and essential interests of his dominions. His majesty was persuaded that that end could only be attained by arrangements which might at the

same time provide for the future safety and tranquillity of Europe, and prevent the recurrence of the dangers and calamities in which it was involved. Conformably to this sentiment, his majesty felt that it was impossible for him to answer more particularly the overture which had been made to him, till he had time to communicate with the powers of the continent, with whom he was engaged in confidential connexions and relations, and especially with the emperor of Russia, who had given the strongest proofs of the wisdom and elevation of the sentiments with which he was animated, and the lively interest which he took in the safety and independence of the continent.'

A great coolness existed at this time between Bonaparte and the court of Russia. This change arose from a variety of circumstances. Count Markoff, the Russian ambassador, being a man of elegant manners, and great knowledge of the world; was, it appears, extremely disgusted with 3onaparte's insolence to Lord Whitworth, when he publicly affronted him in the midst of the diplomatic circle, and he was the only one of the whole number who dared to shew his displeasure at the Consul's rudeness: smiling at him with infinite contempt, he immediately went up to his lordship, and said some civil things to him on the disagreeable situation in which Bonaparte's indecent warmth had placed him. From that time he seemed to have excited the consul's most hatred. He was never after invited to any of the dip' matic dinners, and was seldom spoken to at the levees. Bei. g soon after completely disgusted with the conduct of Talleyrand, with Bonaparte, and the whole train of his sycophants, he determined to solicit his recal, and till he received his answer, went to drink the waters of Bareges, where he was constantly beset with the spies of Bonaparte. On his return from thence, at his first conference with Talleyrand, that crafty agent of despotism more than insinuated that the offer of mediation tendered by the court of Russia was purchased by England; to which he replied with great warmth and dig

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