duct? Was it in his letters? No. He was dismissed because he would not return a key to his suspended deputy without a proper order. Even after this the public faith had been kept with him; and for nearly a twelvemonth he regularly received his per-centage. After this time also, the testimony of the lords postmasters, who dismissed Mr. Bonnor, stated, "that Mr. Palmer was highly deserving of his per-centage, and that the public faith was pledged to him for its payment." What cause could therefore be assigned for the proceedings against Mr. Palmer? Was it the refusal of the key? That could never be gravely urged. Was it the affidavit of White, that false accounts had been forged, by order of Mr. Palmer? No. That man had admitted that he only supposed that the matter could not have been done without the consent of Mr. Palmer, and that the affidavit, in making which he thus perjured himself, had been drawn up by Bonnor. The charge of a late delivery, and of creating a confusion in the office, amounted only to this; that Mr. Palmer had ordered a new cheque, which, in the first instance embarrassed the parties concerned, but, in the end, was highly beneficial. He was of opinion, that nothing had been shown of sufficient force to do away the contract, and that after so much of meritorious exertion, Mr. Palmer should not be left in a state of precarious dependence. Mr. Pitt said, it was far from his wish to speak harshly on the present occasion, but he could not but remark on the pains which had been taken to extenuate a posi tive degree of malversation, and to take away its proper check and control from the executive government. He was actuated by no prejudice on this occasion: he acknowledged the utility of Mr. Palmer's plans, and had supported them until they were completely established. The advantages arising from them to the revenue had been exaggerated: the great merit of the plan rested on the accommodation which it gave to the public. His opinion remained the same with respect to the original agreement; which was, that the pension and per centage were fairly due by that agreement; but that the latter was payable only as long as the duties of the office were performed. If, instead of a patent, encumbered with a condition, this had been a simple grant, would not the latter have been voided by the subsequent conduct of the applicant?-He [VOL. XXXIV.] should have no objection to meet the four counsel whose opinion had been quoted on this head. He should wish to ask them whether, in case of misfeazance, the letters patent, had they actually passed, might not have been repealed by a scire facias. The right hon. gentleman then proceeded to remark on the acts of Mr. Palmer, which retarded the communication of letters, and aimed to throw the office into confusion, for the purpose of casting the blame upon his principals. If the House interfered on such an occasion, all checks on the part of the executive would be done away. The grant to Mr. Palmer was of a twofold nature, it was partly a reward for past services, and partly an incentive to future exertion. If he had been guilty of errors which led to his dismissal, his claim to prospective remuneration was completely done away. It might be questioned, therefore, whether the liberality of government, in making the present allowance to Mr. Palmer, did not amount to profusion. But they had considered the important merits of that gentleman. They had adhered to the spirit, though they could not comply with the letter of the agreement; and had given him his pension, with the per-centage on the average of three years previous to his dismissal; and for this he had received the thanks of that very Mr. Palmer who now stood forward to complain. On the whole, he was of opinion, that Mr. Palmer's case had not been made out, and he should therefore move, "That the chairman do now leave the chair." The question being put, that the chairman do now leave the chair, the committee divided: Ayes, 112; Noes, 28. The King's Message respecting a Subsidy to Russia.] June 6. Mr. Secretary Dundas presented the following Message from his Majesty: "GEORGE R. "His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint this House, that he had, some time since, concluded an eventual engagement with his good brother and ally the emperor of Russia, for employing 45,000 men against the common enemy, in such manner as the state of affairs in Europe at that period appeared to render most advantageous. The change of circumstances which has since arisen having rendered a different application of that force more desirable, his majesty has recently had the satisfaction to learn that the views of the [S X] emperor of Russia, in that respect, are entirely conformable to his own. But his majesty has not yet received any account that the formal engagements to that effect have been regularly concluded: he has, however, the satisfaction of knowing that the same promptitude and zeal in support of the common cause, which his ally has already manifested in a manner so honourable to himself, and so signally beneficial to Europe, have induced him already to put this army in motion towards the place of its destination, as now settled by mutual consent. His majesty therefore thinks it right to acquaint the House of Commons that the pecuniary conditions of this treaty will oblige his majesty to pay the sum of 225,000l. in stipulated instalments, as preparation money, and to pay a monthly subsidy of 75,000l., as well as to engage for a farther payment at the rate of 37,500 per month, which payment is not to take place till after the conclusion of a peace made by common con sent. "His majesty relies on the zeal and public spirit of his faithful Commons, to enable him to make good these engagements: and his majesty, being desirous of continuing to afford the necessary succours to his ally the queen of Portugal, as well as to give timely and effectual assistance at this important conjuncture to the Swiss Cantons, for the recovery of their ancient liberty and independence, and to make every other exertion for improving, to the utmost, the signal advantages, which, by the blessing of God, have attended the operations of the combined arms on the continent since the commencement of the present campaign; recommends it also to the House of Commons, to enable his majesty to enter into such farther engagements, and to take such measures as may be best adapted to the exigency of affairs, and most likely by continued perseverance and vigour, to complete the general deliverance of Europe from the insupportable tyranny of the French Republic. G. R." A similar Message was presented by lord Grenville to the Lords. Debate in the Commons on the King's Message respecting a Subsidy to Russia.] June 7. The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Supply to which the King's Message was referred, Mr. Pitt said:-Considerable as is the augmentation of expense which a compli ance with the recommendation in his majesty's message will occasion, I do not think it will be neecessary to detain you with much argument in its support. I am persuaded that in proposing to adopt such resolutions as will enable his majesty to carry into effect the intention which the auspicious situation of affairs promises to conduct to so happy a conclusion, I rather meet than lead the feelings of all who cherish those sentiments of manly resistance to the destructive principles which have so long scattered dismay and ruin over so large a portion of the civilized world: sentiments here never extinguished, and now so fortunately reviving in Europe. I congratulate the House upon the glorious success which has marked the magnanimous efforts of that power, for whom the supply is destined for the deliverance of Europe. Embracing with joy the extensive views of enlarged benefit to Europe and to society, looking at the period as not far distant when we shall see the just balance of power restored, and ancient principles and lawful government again recognized, while you enjoy the pure triumph of having contributed so essentially in stemming the torrent which threatened to desolate society, I trust that you will not be so overjoyed at the favourable change, as to relax in the least degree from that deliberate resolution to maintain your own honour and independence, by your own exertions, which has already proved your salvation, and which can give you the best title and chance to be instrumental in the deliverance of Europe. That spirit, and those exertions, can alone qualify you to promote the welfare of others, and to secure your own rights. Even were the common cause to be again abandoned by your allies, were you again to see yourselves called upon to rely upon your own exertions, you will never forget that in the moment of difficulty and danger, you found safety where it is only to be found, in your own resolution, firmness and conduct. In this moment of exultation, while you embrace the interest of others with your own you will resolve to meet every danger rather than submit to any compromise with a power, the exist ence of which, with the character that belongs to it, and the principles by which it is actuated, is as incompatible with that of legitimate government in other states, as it is with happiness in the people who are subjected to its authority.-Mr. Pitt then moved, "That a sum not exceeding 825,000l. be granted to his majesty to- | wards enabling his majesty to make good such engagements with the emperor of Russia as may be best adapted to the exigency of affairs." shall happen, to look back and see, in the efforts made to attain it, any thing left undone, which might be cause for regret or mortification. To any expense or effort for this purpose, I give my cordial assent; but at no hazard can I give it to that system which I have uniformly reprobated; that system by which war has been protracted from day to day; millions have been expended upon millions, and blood has flowed upon blood, in the pursuit of an indefinite object. Sir, I hope and trust that, whatever differences may have hitherto subsisted, ministers now have but one opinion, and that they are all agreed that the safety of England should be the main object. Deeply im sums for a purpose I do not understand, and in aid of a power whose object I do not know, which may be appropriated to her own views exclusively, and to the injury instead of the welfare of England. Mr. Pitt said:-I believe no one, who can appreciate worth, and admire superior zeal and activity, will doubt the sincerity of the sovereign of Russia, or make a question of his integrity in any compact. There is no ground to fear that that magnanimous prince will act with infidelity in a cause in which he is so sincerely engaged, and which he knows to be the cause of all good government, religion and humanity, against a monstrous medley of tyranny, injustice, vanity, irreligion, ignorance, and folly. This magnanimous and powerful prince has undertaken to supply, at a very trifling expense, a most essential force, and that for the deliverance of Europe. I still must use this phrase, notwithstanding the sneers of the hon. gentleman. Does it not promise the deliver Mr. Tierney said :-Sir, I admit the necessity of bringing the war to a speedy conclusion; but in the mode by which it is proposed to be done, we hear of a common cause and a common under standing. Now, before I give my consent to vote away English money, I must know what the common cause is for which I do it. I do not know what this deliverance of Europe means. If it means to rescue other nations from the power and oppression of France, and to drive her from those countries which she has over-pressed with this truth, I will not vote any run, to such a plan I readily subscribe my mite of approbation. But if it is still to remain a principle undefined, Imust pause before I give my consent. I would therefore wish to understand what this common cause is. Does it consist in repelling France within her ancient limits, and seeking an honourable peace upon the status quo? If so, I have no objection to a foreign subsidy, because I think money might be more economically applied abroad, than by raising forces at home; and because I wish, if more blood is to be shed, it should be any other than English blood. But if a subsidy is to be given for an indefinite object, what security have I for its application? How do I know that the views of Russia are in unison with our own? How do I know that Russia will not apply it to the furtherance of her own interests without any regard to ours; that she has not views of ambition and aggrandizement herself; and may not think Europe delivered but by stripping France of her conquests, and deco-ance of Europe, when we find the armies rating herself with the spoils? I own, Sir, of our allies rapidly advancing in a career this sum seems to me to be voted under of victory at once the most brilliant and very extraordinary circumstances, and auspicious, that perhaps ever signalized leading to conclusions which I cannot the exertions of any combination? Will easily reconcile. The deliverance of Eu- it be regarded with apathy, that that wise rope must be equally dear to Russia as to and vigorous and exalted prince has England. Why then does not Russia already, by his promptness and decision, contribute to the success of her own cause; given a turn to the affairs of the contiand why is England to pay for the deli- nent? With respect to that which appears verance of Russia? Has Russia exhausted so much to embarras certain gentlemenherself by the exertions which she has the deliverance of Europe-I will not say already made? As yet I know of nothing particularly what it is. Whether it is to which she has contributed, except mani- be its deliverance from the infection of false festoes and proclamations. Sir, I am principles, the corroding cares of a period anxious for the hour of peace; but how- of distraction, and dismay, or that dissoever great my solicitude for its arrival, Ilution of all government, and that death would not wish, whenever that period of religion and social order which are to signalize the triumph of the French re- topic. But wishing to be fully understood public, if unfortunately for mankind she I answer the hon. gentleman when he asks, should, in spite of all opposition, prevail" Does the right hon. gentleman mean to in the contest. The hon. gentleman has prosecute the war until the French repubtold us, that his deliverance of Europe is lic is overthrown? Is it his determinathe driving of France within her ancient tion not to treat with France while it conlimits; but it is assumed by the hon. gen- tinues a republic ?"-I answer, I do not tleman, that we are not content with wish- confine my views to the territorial limits ing to drive France within her ancient of France; I contemplate the principles, limits,that we seek to overthrow the go- character, and conduct of France; I convernment of France; and he would make sider what these are; I see in them the us say, that we never will treat with it as issues of distruction, of infamy and ruin, a republic. Now I neither meant any to every state in her alliance; and therething like this, nor expressed myself so as fore I say, that until the aspect of that to lead to such inferences. Whatever I mighty mass of iniquity and folly is enmay in the abstract think of the kind of tirely changed;-until the character of government called a republic, whatever the government is totally reversed;-unmay be its fitness to the nation where it til, by the common consent of all men, I prevails, there may be times when it would can with truth tell parliament, France is not be dangerous to exist in its vicinity. no longer terrible for her contempt of the But while the spirit of France remains rights of every other nation-she no lon-' what at present it is, its government ger avows schemes of universal empiredespotic, vindictive, unjust, with a temper she has settled into a state whose governuntamed, a character unchanged, if its ment can maintain those relations in their power to do wrong at all remains, there integrity, in which alone civilized commudoes not exist any security for this coun- nities are to find their security, and from try or Europe. In my view of security, which they are to derive their distinction every object of ambition and aggrandize- and their glory;-until in the situation of ment is abandoned. Our simple object is France we have exhibited to us those security, just security, with a little mix- features of a wise, a just, and a liberal ture of indemnification. These are the policy, I cannot treat with her. The legitimate objects of war at all times; and time to come to the discussion of a peace when we have attained that end, we are can only be the time when you can look in a condition to derive from peace its with confidence to an honourable issue; beneficent advantages; but until then, to such a peace as shall at once restore to our duty and our interest require that we Europe her settled and balanced constishould persevere unappalled in the strug-tution of general polity, and to every gle to which we were provoked. We shall not be satisfied with a false security. War, with all its evils, is better than a peace in which there is nothing to be seen but usurpation and injustice, dwelling with savage delight on the humble, pros- Mr. Tierney said:-I have received trate condition of some timid suppliant an answer, and it does carry the convicpeople. It is not to be dissembled, that tion, that we are now about to embark in the changes and chances to which the in a seventh year of the war, aiming at an fortunes of individuals, as well as of states, indefinite object, warring against system, are continually subject, we may have the and fighting with English blood and Engmisfortune, and great it would be, of see-lish treasure, against French abstract ing our allies decline the contest. I hope principles, without the smallest regard to this will not happen. I hope it is not the burthened state of the country. The reserved for us to behold the mortifying right hon. gentleman has spoken out. It spectacle of two mighty nations abandon-is not merely against the power of France ing a contest, in which they have sacrificed he struggles, but her system; not merely so much, and made such brilliant progress. to repel her within her ancient limits, but -in the application of this principle, I have to drive her back from her present to her no doubt but the hon. gentleman admits ancient opinions to such a style of the security of the country to be the legi-thinking as may effect the deliverance of timate object of the contest; and I must Europe. The result is, that we are to go think I am sufficiently intelligible on this on until the government of France is over negotiating power in particular, that weight in the scale of general empire which has ever been found the best guarantee and pledge of local independence and general security. thrown. The right hon. gentleman ad- but extravagant and dangerous principles. mits, that the republic may be placed in a Here, then, the right hon. gentleman and situation in which it will not be dangerous they are at issue. May they not enterto the liberty of Europe: and when a tain the same ideas of a government peace may be concluded with it in safety, which they understand fosters designs but it is not until the mode of thinking on hostile to the liberty of others? and if so, which the republic is founded shall be who is to be the arbiter between them? overthrown. It is impossible to connect For my part, I know of no security but France and liberty together. No man more the limited relative power of nations. In detests her than I do. I feel the greatest the crippled state of her marine, France indignation at her perfidy and deceit, her has lost much of her power. The wisdom pretence of delivering surrounding nations which I wish to see displayed is, that from tyranny, and ruling them, when in which consists in knowing where to stop, her power, like the most ferocious despot. and when France is sufficiently reduced. With these sentiments, I am not afraid of If the object of the minister had been to being suspected of partiality for France. unite the other powers of Europe in conSir, liberty has suffered much from the federacy for the purpose of diminishing extravagant friends of it. I own I loved the extensive and overgrown power of the principle of the revolution in its com- France, I do believe an extraordinary mencement, and therefore I may be allow-effort might have produced that effect; ed to lament the more the direction which its progress has taken. The question is not, I admit, whether this or that boundary shall be the limit of the country, but what shall most contribute to peace and tranquillity. My opinion then is, that France, driven back to any thing like her ancient limits, will not be any thing like what she was in strength and power. I believe the case of France is like that of all other bad governments. I believe, left to prey upon herself, France would be more in danger from internal discontent and dissention than from all the troops and armies that can be sent against them. But, admitting we are to wait until opinion shall be overthrown in France, how will the right hon. gentleman be able to ascertain the arrival of that period? I know some gentlemen enter sanguine expectations of overthrowing the government of France. My whole object, on the contrary, in the present state, is to contend for England, and England alone. I do not mean to say that she must be a disinterested observer of what is passing in the world; but I think the real interests of England would be found more in the exercise of her own virtue and perseverance. To this I would add another attribute, her good sound I believe this will soon show itself. I believe the good sense of the people of England will not be willing to engage them in every attempt in which the right hon. gentleman is about to engage. It is not the spirit of this country to impose a government on France; and there is no good sense in engaging in a crusade against the rights and liberties of others, I know it will be said, they are not rights, but now that we are confessedly at war against undefined principles and opinions, what security have I that voting a sum of money will facilitate the attainment of the end proposed. At the efforts of Austria in Switzerland I rejoice; and I hope the Emperor will not, in rescuing it from France, purloin for himself. But does the right hon. gentleman believe, that when the Austrian arms have advanced to France, they will not find the French soldier very different on his own ground from what he was on a conquered soil? Does he not believe, that the moment a French foot is placed on this soil, all party and all difference will subside, and one unanimous wish alone fill every breast to rally round the government, and repel the invader? I do think a prospect is now opened to our view, which may be followed up with infinite advantage. The French by pillage and tyranny, have so disgusted all nations, that it might be very practicable to drive them back within their ancient limits. If that were the right hon. gentleman's view, I should readily support him; but that is not the case. The right hon. gentleman has disappointed my hopes: I thank him for his explanation; but having heard it, I cannot vote any subsidy for foreign service. Mr. Pitt-Sir; I cannot agree to the interpretation the hon. gentleman has thought proper to give to parts of my speech. He has supposed that I said, we persevere in the war in order to restore monarchy to France. I never uttered any such intention. What I said was, that the France which now exists, affords no promise of security against aggression |