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duct? Was it in his letters ? No. He should have no objection to meet the was dismissed because he would not re. four counsel whose opinion had been turn a key to his suspended deputy with quoted on this head. He should wish to out a proper order. Even after this the ask them whether, in case of misfeazance, public faith had been kept with him; and the letters patent, had they actually passed, for nearly a twelvemonth he regularly re- might not have been repealed by a scire ceived his per-centage. After this time facias. The right hon. gentleman then also, the testimony of the lords postmasters, proceeded to remark on the acts of Mr. who dismissed Mr. Bonnor, stated, “ that Palmer, which retarded the communicaMr. Palmer was highly deserving of his tion of letters, and aimed to throw the per-centage, and that the public faith was office into confusion, for the purpose of pledged to him for its payment.” What casting the blame upon his principals. If cause could therefore be assigned for the the House interfered on such an occasion, proceedings against Mr. Palmer? Was all checks on the part of the executive it the refusal of the key? That could would be done away. The grant to Mr. never be gravely urged. Was it the affi- Palmer was of a twofold nature, it was davit of White, that false accounts had partly a reward for past services, and been forged, by order of Mr. Palmer ? partly an incentive to future exertion. If No. That man had admitted that he only he had been guilty of errors which led to supposed that the matter could not have his dismissal, his claim to prospective re. been done without the consent of Mr. muneration was completely done away. Palmer, and that the affidavit, in making It might be questioned, therefore, whether which he thus perjured himself, had been the liberality of government, in making drawn up by Bonnor. The charge of a the present allowance to Mr. Palmer, did late delivery, and of creating a confusion not amount to profusion. But they had in the office, amounted only to this ; that considered the important merits of that Mr. Palmer had ordered a new cheque, gentleman. , They had adhered to the which, in the first instance embarrassed spirit, though they could not comply with the parties concerned, but, in the end, the letter of the agreement; and had given was highly beneficial. He was of opinion, him his pension, with the per-centage on that nothing had been shown of sufficient the average of three years previous to his force to do away the contract, and that dismissal; and for this he had received the after so much of meritorious exertion, Mr. thanks of that very Mr. Palmer who now Palmer should not be left in a state of stood forward to complain. On the whole, precarious dependence.
he was of opinion, that Mr. Palmer's case Mr. Pitt said, it was far from his wish to had not been made out, and he should speak harshly on the present occasion, therefore move, “ That the chairman do but he could not but remark on the pains now leave the chair.” which had been taken to extenuate a posi. The question being put, that the chairtive degree of malversation, and to take man do now leave the chair, the commitaway its proper check and control from tee divided: Ayes, 112; Noes, 28. the executive government. He was actuated by no prejudice on this occasion : The King's Message respecting a Subsidy he acknowledged the utility of Mr. Pal. to Russia.] June 6. Mr. Secretary Dunmer's plans, and had supported them das presented the following Message from until they were completely established. his Majesty : The advantages arising from them to the « George R. revenue had been exaggerated: the great
“His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint merit of the plan rested on the accommo- this House, that he had, some time since, dation which it gave to the public. His concluded an eventual engagement with opinion remained the same with respect to his good brother and ally the emperor of the original agreement; which was, that Russia, for employing 45,000 men against the pension and per centage were fairly the common enemy, in such manner as due by that agreement; but that the latter the state of affairs in Europe at that pewas payable only as long as the duties of riod appeared to render most advanta-, the office were performed. If, instead of geous. The change of circumstances a patent, encumbered with a condition, which has since arisen having rendered a this had been a simple grant, would not different application of that force more dethe latter have been voided by the subse- sirable, his majesty has recently had the quent conduct of the applicant?—He satisfaction to learn that the views of the (VOL. XXXIV.]
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emperor of Russia, in that respect, are en- | ance with the recommendation in his tirely conformable to his own. But his majesty's message will occasion, I do not majesty has not yet received any account think it will be neecessary to detain you that the formal engagements to that effect with much argument in its support. I am have been regularly concluded : he has, persuaded that in proposing to adopt such however, the satisfaction of knowing that resolutions as will enable his majesty to the same promptitude and zeal in support carry into effect the intention which the of the common cause, which his ally bas auspicious situation of affairs promises to already manifested in a manner so ho conduct to so happy a conclusion, I rather nourable to himself, and so signally bene- meet than lead the feelings of all who cheficial to Europe, have induced him already rish those sentiments of manly resistance to put this army in motion towards the to the destructive principles which have place of its destination, as now settled by so long scattered dismay and ruin over so mutual consent. His majesty therefore large a portion of the civilized world: thinks it right to acquaint the House of sentiments here never extinguisbed, and Commons that the pecuniary conditions of now so fortunately reviving in Europe. I this treaty will oblige his majesty to pay congratulate the House upon the glorious the sum of 225,0001. in stij ed instal. success which has marked the magnani. ments, as preparation money, and to pay mous efforts of that power, for whom the a monthly subsidy of 75,0001., as well as supply is destined for the deliverance of to engage for a farther payment at the Europe. Embracing with joy the extenrate of 37,500l. per month, which pay- sive views of enlarged benefit to Europe ment is not to take place till after the con. and to society, looking at the period as clusion of a peace made by common con- not far distant when we shall see the just sent.
balance of power restored, and ancient “ His majesty relies on the zeal and principles and lawful government again public spirit of his faithful Commons, to recognized, while you enjoy the pure tri. enable him to make good these engage. umph of having contributed 80 essenments: and his majesty, being desirous of tially in stemming the torrent which continuing to afford the necessary suc- threatened to desolate society, I trust cours to his ally the queen of Portugal, as
that you will not be so overjoyed at the well as to give timely and effectual assist- favourable change, as to relax in the least ance at this important conjuncture to the degree from that deliberate resolution to Swiss Cantons, for the recovery of their maintain your own honour and independancient liberty and independence, and to ence, by your own exertions, which has make every other exertion for improving, already proved your salvation, and which to the utmost, the signal advantages, can give you the best title and chance to which, by the blessing of God, have at- be instrumental in the deliverance of Eutended the operations of the combined rope. That spirit, and those exertions, can arms on the continent since the com- alone qualify you to promote the welfare mencement of the present campaign; re- of others, and to secure your own rights. commends it also to the House of Com. Even were the common cause to be again mons, to enable his majesty to enter into abandoned by your allies, were you again such farther engagements, and to take to see yourselves called upon to rely upon such measures as may be best adapted to your own exertions, you will never forget the exigency of affairs, and most likely by that in the moment of difficulty and dancontinued perseverance and vigour, to ger, you found safety where it is only to complete the general deliverance of Eu- be found, in your own resolution, firmness rope from the insupportable tyranny of and conduct. In this moment of exultathe French Republic.
G. R." rion, while you embrace the interest of A similar Message was presented by others with your own you will resolve to lord Grenville to the Lords.
meet every danger rather than submit to
any compromise with a power, the exist. Debate in the Commons on the King's ence of which, with the character that beMessage respecting a Subsidy to Russia.] longs to it, and the principles by which it June 7. The House having resolved itself is actuated, is as incompatible with that into a Committee of Supply to which the of legitimate government in other states, King's Message was referred,
as it is with happiness in the people who Mr. Pitt said :- Considerable as is the are subjected to its authority. --Mr. Pitt augmentation of expense which a compli- then moved, “ That a sum not exceeding 825,0001. be granted to his majesty to shall happen, to look back and see, in wards enabling his majesty to make good the efforts made to attain it, any thing such engagements with the emperor of left undone, which might be cause for reRussia as may be best adapted to the exi- gret or mortification. To any expense or gency of affairs.”
effort for this purpose, I give my cordial Mr. Tierney said :-Sir, I admit the assent; but at no hazard can I give it to necessity of bringing the war to a speedy that system which I have uniformly reconclusion; but in the mode by which it probated; that system by which war has is proposed to be done, we hear of been protracted from day to day; millions a common cause and a common under have been expended upon millions, and standing. Now, before I give my con- blood has flowed upon blood, in the pursent to vote away English money, I must suit of an indefinite object. Sir, I hope know what the common cause is for which and trust that, whatever differences may I do it. I do not know what this deliver- have hitherto subsisted, ministers now ance of Europe means. If it means to have but one opinion, and that they are rescue other nations from the power and all agreed that the safety of England oppression of France, and to drive her should be the main object. Deeply imfrom those countries which she has over pressed with this truth, I will not vote any run, to such a plan I readily subscribe my sums for a purpose I do not understand, mite of approbation. But if it is still to and in aid of a power whose object I do remain a principle undefined, I must pause not know, which may be appropriated to before I give my consent. I would there- her own views exclusively, and to the infore wish to understand what this common jury instead of the welfare of England. cause is.
Does it consist in repelling Mr. Pitt said :-I believe no one, who France within her ancient limits, and seek- can appreciate worth, and admire supeing an honourable peace upon the status rior zeal and activity, will doubt the sinquo? If so, I have no objection to a fo. cerity of the sovereign of Russia, or make reign subsidy, because I think money a question of his integrity in any compact. might be more economically applied There is no ground to fear that that magnaabroad, than by raising forces at home; nimous prince will act with infidelity in a and because I wish, if more blood is to be cause in which he is so sincerely engaged, shed, it should be any other than English and which he knows to be the cause of all blood. But if a subsidy is to be given for good government, religion and humanity, an indefinite object, what security have I against a monstrous medley of tyranny, for its application? How do I know that injustice, vanity, irreligion, ignorance, the views of Russia are in unison with our and folly. This magnanimous and powerown? How do I know that Russia will ful prince has undertaken to supply, at a not apply it to the furtherance of her very trifling expense, a most essential own interests without any regard to force, and that for the deliverance of Euours; that she has not views of ambition rope. I still must use this phrase, notand aggrandizement herself; and may withstanding the sneers of the hon. gennot think Europe delivered but by strip tleman. Does it not promise the deliver- : ping France of her conquests, and deco. ance of Europe, when we find the armies rating herself with the spoils? I own, Sir, of our allies rapidly advancing in a career this sum seems to me to be voted under of victory at once the most brilliant and very extraordinary circumstances, and auspicious, that perhaps ever signalized leading to conclusions which I cannot the exertions of any combination? Will easily reconcile. The deliverance of Eu- it be regarded with apathy, that that wise rope must be equally dear to Russia as to and vigorous and exalted prince has England. Why then does not Russia already, by his promptness and decision, contribute to the success of her own cause; given a turn to the affairs of the contiand why is England to pay for the deli- nent? With respect to that which appears verance of Russia ? Has Russia exhausted so much to embarras certain gentlemenherself by the exertions which she has the deliverance of Europe I will not say already made? As yet I know of nothing particularly what it is. 'Whether it is to which she has contributed, except mani- be its deliverance from the infection of false festoes and proclamations. Sir, I am principles, the corroding cares of a period anxious for the hour of peace; but how- of distraction, and dismay, or that dissoever great my solicitude for its arrival, Ilution of all government, and that death would not wish, whenever that period of religion and social order which are ta
signalize the triumph of the French re- | topic. But wishing to be fully understood public, if unfortunately for mankind she I answer the hon. gentleman when he asks, should, in spite of all opposition, prevail “ Does the right hon. gentleman mean to in the contest. The hon. gentleman has prosecute the war until the French repubtold us, that his deliverance of Europe is lic is overthrown? Is it his determinathe driving of France within her ancient tion not to treat with France while it conlimits; but it is assumed by the hon. gen- tinues a republic?"-I answer, I do not tleman, that we are not content with wish- confine my views to the territorial limits ing to drive France within her ancient of France; I contemplate the principles, limits,that we seek to overthrow the go- character, and conduct of France; I convernment of France; and he would make sider what these are; I see in them the us say, that we never will treat with it as issues of distruction, of infamy and ruin, a republic. Now I neither meant any to every state in her alliance; and therething like this, nor expressed myself so as fore I say, that until the aspect of that to lead to such inferences. Whatever I mighty mass of iniquity and folly is enmay in the abstract think of the kind of tirely changed ;-until the character of government called a republic, whatever the government is totally reversed ;-unmay be its fitness to the nation where it til, by the common consent of all men, I prevails, there may be times when it would can with truth tell parliament, France is not be dangerous to exist in its vicinity. no longer terrible for her contempt of the But while the spirit of France remains rights of every other nation-she no lon-' what at present it is, its government ger avows schemes of universal empiredespotic, vindictive, unjust, with a temper she has settled into a state whose governuntamed, a character unchanged, if its ment can maintain those relations in their power to do wrong at all remains, there integrity, in which alone civilized commudoes not exist any security for this coun- nities are to find their security, and from try or Europe. In my view of security, which they are to derive their distinction every object of ambition and aggrandize and their glory ;-until in the situation of ment is abandoned. Our simple object is France we have exhibited to us those security, just security, with a little mix- features of a wise, a just, and a liberal ture of indemnification. These are the policy, I cannot treat with her. The legitimate objects of war at all times; and time to come to the discussion of a peace when we have attained that end, we are can only be the time when you can look in a condition to derive from peace its with confidence to an honourable issue; beneficent advantages; but until then, to such a peace as shall at once restore to our duty and our interest require that we Europe her settled and balanced constishould persevere unappalled in the strug. tution of general polity, and to every gle to which we were provoked. We negotiating power in particular, that shall not be satisfied with a false security. weight in the scale of general empire War, with all its evils, is better than a which has ever been found the best guapeace in which there is nothing to be seen rantee and pledge of local independence but usurpation and injustice, dwelling and general security. with savage delight on the humble, pros- Mr. Tierney said:- I have received trate condition of some timid suppliant an answer, and it does carry the convicpeople. It is not to be dissembled, that tion, that we are now about to embark in the changes and chances to which the in a seventh year of the war, aiming at an fortunes of individuals, as well as of states, indefinite object, warring against system, are continually subject, we may have the and fighting with English blood and Engmisfortune, and great it would be, of see- lish treasure, against French abstract ing our allies decline the contest. I hope principles, without the smallest regard to this will not happen. I hope it is not the burthened state of the country. The reserved for us to behold the mortifying right hon. gentleman has spoken out. It spectacle of two mighty nations abandon is not merely against the power of France ing a contest, in which they have sacrificed he struggles, but her system; not merely so much, and made such brilliant progress. to repel her within her ancient limits, but -in the application of this principle, I have to drive her back from her present to her no doubt but the hon. gentleman admits ancient opinions - to such a style of the security of the country to be the legi- thinking as may effect the deliverance of timate object of the contest; and I must Europe. The result is, that we are to go think I am sufficiently intelligible on this on uptil the government of France is overthrown. The right hon. gentleman ad- but extravagant and dangerous principles. mits, that the republic may be placed in a Here, then, the right hon. gentleman and situation in which it will not be dangerous they are at issue. May they not enterto the liberty of Europe: and when a tain the same ideas of a government peace may be concluded with it in safety, which they understand fosters designs but it is not until the mode of thinking on hostile to the liberty of others? and if so, which the republic is founded shall be who is to be the arbiter between them? overthrown. It is impossible to connect For my part, I know of no security but France and liberty together. No man more the limited relative power of nations. In detests her than I do. I feel the greatest the crippled state of her marine, France indignation at her perfidy and deceit, her has lost much of her power. The wisdom pretence of delivering surrounding nations which I wish to see displayed is, that from tyranny, and ruling them, when in which consists in knowing where to stop, her power, like the most
ferocious despot. and when France is sufficiently reduced. With these sentiments, I am not afraid of If the object of the minister had been to being suspected of partiality for France. unite the other powers of Europe in conSir, liberty has suffered much from the federacy for the purpose of diminishing extravagant friends of it. I own I loved the extensive and overgrown power of the principle of the revolution in its com France, I do believe an extraordinary mencement, and therefore I may be allow- effort might have produced that effect; ed to lament the more the direction which but now that we are confessedly at war its progress has taken. The question is against undefined principles and opinions, not, I admit, whether this or that boundary what security have I that voting a sum of shall be the limit of the country, but what money will facilitate the attainment of the shall most contribute to peace and tran. end proposed. At the efforts of Austria quillity. My opinion then is, that France, in Switzerland I rejoice; and I hope the driven back to any thing like her ancient Emperor will not, in rescuing it from limits, will not be any thing like what she France, purloin for himself. But does was in strength and power. I believe the the right hon. gentleman believe, that case of France is like that of all other bad when the Austrian arms have advanced to governments. I believe, left to prey upon France, they will not find the French herself
, France would be more in danger soldier very different on his own ground from internal discontent and dissention from what he was on a conquered soil ? than from all the troops and armies that Does he not believe, that the moment a can be sent against them. But, admitting French foot is placed on this soil, all party we are to wait until opinion shall be over and all difference will subside, and one thrown in France, how will the right hon. unanimous wish alone fill every breast to gentleman be able to ascertain the arrival rally round the government, and repel the of that period? I know some gentlemen invader? I do think a prospect is now enter sanguine expectations of overthrow- opened to our view, which may be followed ing the government of France. My up with infinite advantage. "The French whole object, on the contrary, in the pre- by pillage and tyranny, have so disgusted sent state, is to contend for England, and all nations, that it might be very practicaEngland alone. I do not mean to say ble to drive them back within their anthat she must be a disinterested observer cient limits. If that were the right hon. of what is passing in the world; but I gentleman's view, I should readily supthink the real interests of England would port him ; but that is not the case. The be found more in the exercise of her own right hon. gentleman has disappointed my virtue and perseverance. To this I would hopes: I thank him for his explanation; add another attribute, her good sound but having heard it, I cannot vote any sense. I believe this will soon show itself. subsidy for foreign service. I believe the good sense of the people of Mr. Pitt.—Sir; I cannot agree to the England will not be willing to engage interpretation the hon. gentleman has them in every attempt in which the right thought proper to give to parts of my hon. gentleman is about to engage. It is speech. He has supposed that I said, we not the spirit of this country to impose a persevere in the war in order to restore government on France; and there is no monarchy to France. I never uttered good sense in engaging in a crusade any such intention. What I said was, against the rights and liberties of others, that the France which now exists, affords Į know it will be said, they are not rights, no promise of security against aggression