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and injustice in peace, and is destitute of the monster to prowl the world unopposed.

all justice and ntegrity in war. I ob- He must cease to annoy the abode of served also, that the character and conduct peaceful men. If he retire into the cell, of that government must enter into the whether of solitude or repentance, thither calculation of security to other govern- we will not pursue him; but we cannot ments against wrong, and for the due and li- leave him on the throne of power. The beral observance of political engagements. hon. gentleman says, that the French reThe hon. gentleman says, he has too much public and liberty cannot exist together; good sense to suppose that territorial therefore, as a friend to liberty, he cannot limits can, of themselves, be made to be a friend to France. Yet he tells us constitute the security of states. He almost in the same breath, that he will does well to add his sanction to a doc- not vote for any thing that does not tend trine that is as old as political society to secure the liberties of that country, itself. In the civilised and regular com- though, to give him the benefit of his own munity states find their mutual security proposition, not to wish the overthrow of against wrong, not in territory only; they France is not to wish for the preservation have the guarantee of fleets, of armies, of of English liberty. Indeed, he says, hẹ acknowledged integrity, and tried good will vote nothing for the purpose of over, faith; it is to be judged of by the cha- throwing that tyranny, or, as he very racter, the talents, and the virtues of the strangely adds, the rights and liberties of men who guide the councils of states. France others--the rights and liberties of France! has territory, she has the remains of a navy, But how will the gentleman maintain his she has armies, but what is her character, character for consistency, while he will as a moral being? who is there to testify not vote for any measure that seeks to her integrity? The Swiss nation!-Who overthrow the power of a government, in bears testimony to her good faith? The the contemplation of which he has disstates she has plundered! What is the covered a gulph in his mind between the character of her advisers? what the as- ideas of its existence and the existence of pect of her councils? They are the au- liberty? Whilst republican France conthors of all those calamities which, march- tinues what it is, I make war against reing by the side of an unblushing tyranny, publican France; but if I should see any have obscured the fairest portions of Eu- chance of the return of a government rope. In fine, we are to look for security that does not threaten to endanger the from a government which is constantly existence of other governments, far be it making professions of different kinds from me to breath hostility to it. I must of sentiments, and is constantly reced-first see this change of fortune to France ing from every thing it professes; a go- and to Europe make its progress with vernment that has professed, and still certain steps, before I relax in the assermanifests, enmity to every state in Eu- tion of those rights, which are the common rope, and particularly to this country.-property, the links of union of the regular The hon. gentleman persists in saying, governments of Europe. that we have an intention to wage war against opinion. It is not so. We are not in arms against the opinions of the closet, nor the speculations of the school. We are at war with armed opinions; we are at war with those opinions which the sword of audacious, unprincipled, and impious innovation, seeks to propagate amidst the ruins of empires, the demolition of altars, the destruction of every venerable and good and liberal in stitution, under whatever form of polity they have been raised. Whilst the prin Mr. Windham said, that the subject in ciples avowed by France, and acted upon debate had been so ably elucidated by his so wildly, were confined to the circle of a right hon. friend, that he must despair of few ingenious and learned men, we saw making it more intelligible. The comnothing in them to alarm, nothing to ter-mittee might therefore feel some surprise rify; but their appearance in arms at his offering himself to their attention, changed their character. We will not leave were it not that the hon. gentleman still

Mr. Tierney said, he would not contribute any subsidy to take the choice of a government from the hands of a people, and place it in those of strangers. He saw with regret what had passed in France; but though they had failed in forming a government, it did not follow that a foreign armed force could devise a better. He did not profess himself an admirer of the system; all he said was, that an en deavour to change it by force could not be productive of any good consequence.

seemed to persist in his misrepresentation. | fatuating delusion, which had invested That gentleman argued, that the object with insolent security that junto of plunof the war ought to have been stated in derers who had hurried her forward in precise terms at its very outset. Now, the career of blood and rapine. He nothing could be more irrational. The would not, however, with toilsome miwar was, in its commencement, entirely nuteness, trace all the hideous progress defensive; nor, from the state of Europe of a monster, who never made a step but at the time, could it have appeared in to gain an advantage over innocence, or any other light: it was entered upon for to overthrow the defenceless. Were he the security of Europe; and it was still to contemplate it in all the relations of carried on upon the same principle. its character, it would be difficult to deThe main question at issue was the termine when he would wish to make limited reduction of the power of France. peace with it. But in all the great affairs Upon this topic, however, the hon. gen- of men, that combination of circumstances tleman had carefully excluded all consi- must be embraced, which promises the deration of the character of its govern- most beneficial general result, and, proment; but if security was our ultimate ceeding upon this maxim, he would say, object, it was surely obvious that it must the period which he would select for this materially depend upon the power and desirable object, would be, that in which will of the state to be negotiated with. It the dangers of peace would be less than was not to be expected that a government, those of war. The hon. gentleman had composed of the very dregs of vice and supposed that a difference of opinion had infamy, would treat with us upon those prevailed among ministers relative to the conditions of mutual security, which object of the war. Speaking for himself would have regulated the conduct of he could say, that he did not differ from nations possessing a similar constitution his right hon. friend in any thing that had and government, and placing an ho- fallen from him that evening. He wished nourable pride in the maintenance of for a liberal, not a revolutionary gogood faith with their neighbours. But vernment; for a government founded not he would ask, what was the rationale upon the imaginary rights of man, but of the question? Did France unequi- on the ancient religion and morality of vocally declare that she no longer Europe. He would not, however, conpersisted in her mad views of conquest tend, that it would be expedient to conand aggrandizement, there might then tinue the contest till such a government be some reasonable motive for attempt- could be established; his opinion was, ing to treat with her. But if she still that peace ought to be concluded, the continued to avow those ruinous projects, moment it could be done in consistency and openly declared, that the existence with our security, dignity, and honour. of her present government was inconsis- He would not conceal that he thought no tent with that of the other governments mode of government so suitable to France of Europe, what security could they pos- as her ancient monarchy. If a revolusess, were she even driven within her tionary government were to be supported, ancient territory? Would she not still there must be recourse to that fertile entertain the same restless and ambitious source of vice and calamity, the primary views towards her neighbours? and would assemblies. He confessed that he did she not still possess very powerful means not much relish a government made of annoying their tranquillity? Could in a frame; the government of his choice, France again, confined to a population of was that which found its source in the twenty-four millions, be regarded as an affections of the people, derived security inconsiderable power? Had she not, at from their prejudices, and strength from all times, been powerful enough to dis- their passions; and such alone, with retract every state within the sphere of her gard to France, was that which was bound influence, and to maintain a dangerous up in the stems of its ancient monarchy. rivalship to this country? But the hon. But in changing its condition, the first gentleman thought it was a sufficient an- consideration was, to drive it within its swer to this, that she could not commence former limits. If he then were asked, her future projects of invasion with the same whether he wished the allied armies to advantages which she had hitherto enjoyed. impose a new government upon it by It was undoubtedly true, that she could force, he would answer, no! "He knew not again possess the advantage of an in- that if such an attempt were made, it

..... £. 13,653,000

Deduct diminution of
navy debt and saving
expected in 1799.... 1,403,000

.....

£

12,250,000

8,840,000

Army
Vote of Credit, 1798
1,000,000
Extraordinaries, 1799
2,500,000
Ordnance, exclusive of sea service 1,570,000
Miscellaneous services....
3,264,351
Deficiency land and malt
Subsidy to Russia
National debt..

.....

498,000

825,000

200,000

30,947,351

3,000,000

I shall next state the articles of the

Ways and Means, to which I intend to have recourse to meet this expenditure: Sugar, tobacco, and malt ·

Lottery

must fail; as every nation considered a | Navy
contest on its own territory as a struggle
for its existence. He was certainly de-
sirous that France should enjoy a benefi-
cial and rational liberty. What kind of
liberty did she now enjoy? It was only
of late, in that land of freemen, that such
a privilege as the freedom of speech had
made its appearance, a freedom which
advanced with the march of the armies of
that monarch which the hon. gentleman
had denominated a despot, and which
was exercised only under the protection
of general Suwarrow. What was the an-
cient despotism of France? Certainly, Vote of credit for 1799
if compared to the government of this
country, the difference was very marked,
for ours was a government sui generis;
but if compared to that of Turkey, or,
what better suited his purpose, to the go-
vernment which succeeded the monarchy,
it would not be a very difficult thing to
decide which was the greatest despotism.
It was not by light efforts that the links
of that republic, one and indivisible, were
kept together. Gentlemen might indulge
their fancies in drawing comparisons be-
tween the present humane, just, and
amiable government of that country, and
that of the tyrant Louis 16th; but in his
opinion, to compare the irregularities, or
even crimes of that monarch to those of
the present rulers was a kind of language
which was fit only for ale-houses, and de-
served to be classed with the vulgar ex-
clamations of soupe maigre and wooden
shoes. Nothing could be more desirable
to this country than the restoration of the
monarchy; for, notwithstanding all its de-
fects, it could never do us any serious in-
jury, compared to the incalculable mis-
chiefs which the present abominable sys-
tem was peculiarly fitted to produce.

The Resolution was agreed to.

Debate in the Commons on the Budget.] The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means,

Mr. Pitt rose and said :-Sir; As the discussion of the objects to which your attention is now directed, has on a former occasion occupied the minds of gentlemen, it will not be necessary for me to dwell on them at much length. It is now my duty to recapitulate the supplies, and to lay before the committee the ways and means to which I intend to have recourse to provide for the expenditure. I shall begin with recapitulating the different heads under which the articles of Supply are usually classed:

......

... £.2,750,000

Surplus of consolidated fund in
Jan. and April, 1799
Growing produce of ditto
Exports and imports
Ten per cent on income
Instalments on aid and contribu-

tions, 1798

Loan, first
Loan, second

.....

[blocks in formation]

200,000

521,000

3,229,000

1,500,000 7,500,000

650,000

8,000,000 ⚫ 12,000,000

31,350,000

828,000 30,522,000

My next duty, is to state to the committtee the terms upon which the loan has been made. The usual mode of receiving offers by open competition has been adhered to. The proposal was made to the competitors of taking 125l. in the 3 per cent consols, and 50 in the reduced, and it was accepted at the price of the day, considerably less than the actual value of 100%. Three most respectable houses agreed to pay for 1257. in the 3 per cent consols 691. 4s. 44d. and for the reduced 281. 2s. 6d. making 971. 6s. 10d. which, with the benefit of the discount at 21. 6s. 6d. gave 991. 13s. 44d.

The next object will be the charges that are to defray the interest upon part of this loan which remains unprovided for by any other fund. The amount of this sum is no more than 315,000. The principle which I propose to go upon is, that there

shall be no loan contracted for during any year, greater than what the amount of the sinking fund can pay off. By the operation of this fund the whole of the loan that is now to be raised of 15 millions will be paid. The whole of the taxes which I mean to move for will rest upon articles that arise entirely out of the present circumstances of affairs, and so far from operating as a tax, will rather be a relief to the public. This is to be done by withholding a certain proportion of the bounty that has been allowed as a drawback upon sugars exported from this country. I propose, that on clayed sugars from the British plantations, in addition to all other duties, a duty of 4s. per cwt. be laid, which, estimating the whole at 200,000 cwt. will produce 40,000l. On British plantation sugar exported, I shal! also propose to withhold 2s. 6d. per cwt. of the drawback, in addition to 4s. now retained on 358 cwt. on East India exported 76,000 cwt., at 6s. 6d. which will produce the sum of 62,000l. On foreign plantation sugar exported, at 2s. 6d. per cwt. will produce 14,000l. By taking 4s. per cwt. from the bounty now payable on refined sugar exported, there will arise a sum of 39,000l. And by withholding 4s. from coffee exported, a sum of 65,000l. will be produced. British sugars left for home consumption, at 8d. per cwt., I estimate will produce 56,000l. There is another article upon which I propose to lay a duty. In many parts of the kingdom, there is an extensive circulation of small notes. On every note under 40s. I shall propose to lay a tax of 2d.; and as the number supposed to be circulated throughout Great Britain is estimated at 1,500,000l. this tax, according to that number, will produce 62,000l. But in a matter of so great uncertainty as this, I will suppose the amount to be 42,000l. The whole making a total of 316,000%.

I am sure that the various circumstances of these statements must confirm in gentlemen's minds the inestimable advantages that the public will derive from an adequate provision being made to answer the exigencies of each year. It must fill the mind of every man with satisfaction to contemplate so pleasing a prospect, that should the war be lengthened to ever so distant a period, we shall have within our power the means of carrying it on with vigour, if our expenses shall not exceed the sums at which they are now estimated, and if we adhere to the system of borrowing [VOL, XXXIV.]

no more than shall be answered by the taxes already existing; we have the satisfaction to observe, that although the tax on income is to be continued during that period, yet every year of war entails the continuance of that tax only for one year after the conclusion of a peace; and that there shall only be a charge of permanent taxes to the amount of 300,000l. additional on the country. Therefore, when we are about to calculate the burthens of the war, and compare them to the evils attending an insecure and dishonourable peace, let us ask ourselves this question: shall we pay for another year a tax of ten per cent on income? shall we by that comparatively small sacrifice, save ourselves and our posterity from future burthens? or shall we, by a want of energy and public spirit, increase our difficulties, and furnish our enemies with the only advantages they can have over us? Let us ask ourselves, what difficulty shall we have hereafter in bearing the burthens of a temporary loan each year of ten or eleven millions, for the payment of which a fund shall have already been provided? loans which will produce no greater burthen than a tax of 300,000l. in each year of war. To be able to ascertain the certainty of this proud situation, is a circumstance in itself invaluable. Every event that has taken place within a short period, shows that we are rising in private wealth and public prosperity. Every thing convinces us that we are in a situation in which we ought not to stop short of that adequate, full, and rational security which we have a right to expect. Every thing that now presents itself to our view must serve to do away the gloomy prog. nostics, which some persons, from a spirit of opposition to government, and others from timidity and despondency, were in the habit of making. At the time when I offered to the House the plan for increasing the assessed taxes, there was no one measure that excited so great a clamour, and raised so many doubts in the minds of men, as to the probability of its endangering the permanent revenue, or striking at the root of the manufactures and commerce of the country. We, however, in spite of all this opposition, made the experiment of adopting a measure, the principle of which has, during the present session, been carried to a greater extent: we have the satisfaction to see that one plan was acted upon; and that the other had been accepted with the ge[SY]

number of years. But this is not all. The plan which has been successfully adopted of raising the supplies within the the year, will tend to relieve us from all the lasting burthens which a great accumulation of debt would throw upon the country. Supposing the consolidated fund to go on as it has done for some years past, and that there should be no extraordinary rise in the price of stocks, it will in the year 1808 arrive at its maximum. The period from the present to that time will be an interval of great stress upon the country; but it will not be difficult to provide taxes for these eight years. Here Mr. Pitt entered into a detail of calculations, which went to show, that the whole of the national debt might be extinguished in the space of 33 years of peace; that supposing the war to continue ever so long, it could be carried

that in case the war should soon be ter minated, and that an interval of ten years should happen between the conclusion of one and the commencement of another war, in that period of peace the sinking fund would discharge 70 millions of debt, and enable the country to enter into another war with superior means. Mr. Pitt then moved his several resolutions, which were agreed to.

neral concurrence of all orders of men. | be considered as an annuity for a limited The credit and prosperity of the country are not alone manifested by these general symptoms; they even appear in the different rounds of pleasure, amusements, and dissipation, with which many persons in the higher ranks of life are in the habit of indulging themselves. There cannot be a stronger proof than this, that the people have not been distressed by means of the war; and that there is nothing gloomy in the finances of the country. But how has the war affected the trade and revenue of the country? Our trade has never been in a more flourishing situation: the perpetual taxes of the present year exceed what they were last year, when they amounted to 14,574,000l. a sum greater than ever was produced in the most flourishing times of peace. I need not ask whether the raising of the supplies within the year will be any detriment to the country; the experiment that has al-on without the creation of new debt; and ready been tried, proves the contrary. So far from that measure having caused any diminution in our trade, the imports of the last year are much greater than those of any former year; they amount to 25 millions, whereas those of the year 1797 amounted only to 21 millions. A similar augmentation has taken place in our exports, both of home and foreign manufactures. The latter, in the year 1797, amounted to 28 millions: the last accounts that have been made up, state their amount at 33,800,000. The great advantages arising from such a plan must be obvious to every body: it is that plan which of all others will be most likely to lead to a speedy conclusion of the contest in which we are engaged. The system that has been pursued in this country, with respect to finances, has frequently varied. In all the wars previous to the present, the mode of raising money has been that of borrowing, and leaving to posterity the burthen of paying principal and interest. The successful institution of the sinking fund has made a most material alteration in this system. The consequence of this institution will be, that whatever may be the expense of any war, each year will carry along with it the extinction of a certain portion of the debt that may be contracted; and in case of the continuance of some years of peace, the whole of the national debt will, after the expiration of a certain time, be liquidated by the accumulating operation of this fund: so that our debt may rather

Debate in the Lords on the King's Mes sage respecting a Subsidy to Russia] June 11. His Majesty's Message having been read,

Lord Grenville rose to propose an address. He said, that the conduct of Great Britain, in this momentous contest, had been noble and great beyond any thing recorded in the page of history. It had taken the lead in the glorious under, taking of relieving the civilized world, from the insupportable tyranny of the French republic. In this great cause, it bad been the opinion of ministers that the cooperation of Russia would be of the utmost importance, and he had then to con gratulate the House upon the attainment of that very desirable object. It was happily unnecessary that he should expatiate on the good consequences of the accession of Russia to the alliance; they were felt and seen throughout the whole continent; and on these grounds he had the fairest reliance on the unanimous, concurrence of their lordships to the proposed address, He then moved, "That an humble

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