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dresses, laid at the foot of the throne the | how to avert still greater evils, to cut off demonstrations of their perfect acquies- the entail of human misery, but by cence in the propriety of those measures persevering in hostility against a power which the servants of the crown had which sought the dominion, and with that, thought it most consistent with the real the destruction of the world. Besides interests of the country, to recommend these most important considerations, there and adopt. Unfortunately, the same ne- were other reasons which powerlully in, cessity still existed for persevering in the fluenced him in wishing for peace. He contest. Nothing in the state and pos- was personally interested, as were those ture of the affairs of Europe admitted of other persons, who, with him, formed the a rational hope that for this country, or administration of the country. By peace, for Europe there was any security but in they would be relieved from much labour, war. It was not possible to have made much anxiety, much personal responsithe study of the present condition of the bility; but this must be a peace with all world a principal care, without perceiv. the attributes of peace. Until he could ing that a hostile mind still pervaded the tell Europe, that he saw in the temper and whole conduct of the enemy. From the conduct of the enemy the return of mo, documents on their lordships table, it was deration and of good principles, he must obvious, that the same proneness to ag- prefer war. Nor did he doubt but these gression, the same disregard to justice, were the sentiments of the majority of that still actuated the conduct of the men who House. He was not apprehensive, there. rule in France. Under such circumstances, fore, that the motion he should presently there could be no security for Europe in submit would meet with material opposi. peace. Peace with a nation whose war tion. In substance, that motion would was made against all order, all religion, all give to his majesty a pledge of the morality, would be rather a cessation of unalterable affection of that House, resistance to wrong, than a suspension of while the continued support of parliament, arms in the nature of ordinary warfare. the assurances of the zeal and unaninsity Hence it was incumbent to persevere with of his people would yield that animating increased vigour in the contest. It was sanction to perseverance and to constancy, incumbent on their lordships to renew which must give energy and effect to such that night the pledge of their support of measures as may be adopted to conduct his majesty's crown, and of the dearest and the great contest to a safe and honourable best interests of Englishmen. No man conclusion. could read the papers on the table, There were two principles material to coupled with the real conduct and appa- the question, which directly resulted from rent views of France, without feeling that this statement, and which must form the it was in war, that the great civil commu- basis of all discussion on it. The first nity of Europe were to find security. was, that France still retained those senThere was then no course for the House to timents, and showed that constancy to take, but to support his majesty in the those views, which characterised the dawn prosecution of those measures of just de- of her revolution. She was innovating, she fence which the nature of our situation is still so ;-she was Jacobin, she is still so; required. But though he could see no -she was faithless to treaty, she is still so; wise course to pursue, but war, he never- -she declared war against all kings, she theless felt that peace might be, would continues' to seek the destruction of indeed be, a blessing. To negotiate with all kings. But he would state the facts, established governments, was formerly and their lordships would judge of the not merely easy, but under most circum- exactness of his conclusions. Before stances safe ; – to negotiate with the go. doing this, it was more in order to state government of France now, would be to the second principle from whence to reaincur all the risks of an uncertain truce, son: and that was, that no safe, honourwithout attaining the benefits even of a able, and permanent peace could be made temporary peace. Yet; were it not in with France, in her present situation, and contradiction to all experience, to believe, with ber present rulers. Now, what were that a peace with that republic is attain the facts on which the first of these prinable and safe, so much did he lament the ciples rested for proof and support? The miseries of war, that lie would try nego- whole history of a war provoked by the ciation. He deplored the sufferings of ambition and restless spirit of France, and the nations of Europe, but he knew not continued in order to check lier devastating progress, may be read instructively mind of France. The war was an aggresfor documents and facts. We were, how sion in its origin. No single act of their ever, to reason from past experience and government was free from the direct froin present appearances. In the note charge of meditated oppression, or maof M. Talleyrand we found it asserted, tured contempt for the laws of nations that, “ from the commencement of the and the rights of individuals. Would revolution, the republic solemnly pro- any man state, that the original character claimed her love of peace, her disinclina of the republic is changed, that security tion to conquests, and her respect for the for peace is to be seen in their more reindependence of all governments.” Those cent declarations and conduct? But how were the words of the French minister in is it with this other assertion in the note the note on their lordships' table; but how of their minister, “ The republic proclaimstood the faets? “Solemnly proclaimed cd her disinclination to conquest.” She her love of peace,” and yet this love of did ; and we have accordingly seen her peace, so solemnly proclaimed, was ma- march her armies to the Rhine, seize the nifested in being at war in the course of | Netherlands, and annex them to the reeight years with every nation in Europe, public. Have we not witnessed her proexcept two, Sweden and Denmark, and gress in Italy? Are not the wrongs of next to being at war with America. Was Switzerland recent and marked? Do we it in this that their lordships would find it in those transactions discover that disinproved that France had changed her sen- clination to conquest which the republic timents, and adopted pacific views ?. If proclaims? But it is not in Europe only love of peace were eagerness for war, then that France has developed her plan of might M. Talleyrand well urge it in favour dominion and her projects of conquest. of his government, that the republic so. Even into Asia has she carried her arms, lemnly proclaimed her love of peace. But and separated from the Porte a vast pornot only was the republic at war with all tion of its empire. the nations of Europe, except the two al- “ The republic proclaimed her respect ready named, but is at this moment, if not for the independence of all governments." at war, at least on terms of threatening We had here a very important inquiry, on liostility with one of those two states. entering upon which it was right to obTheir lordships would conjecture that he serve, that nations at war, might, in many here alluded to Sweden, whose ambassa- cases, respect the independence of other dor recently quitted the metropolis of the nations. It is not necessarily the condirepublic with precipitation, and the pro- tion on which new provinces are conquerbability of his being replaced was very ed, that the conqueror shall violate the doubtful. On the other hand, if war has independence of those provinces. States not been formerly declared by France may, indeed, change their rulers, but the against those two northern powers, their form and spirit of the general and estasubjects, and the commerce carried on by blished institutions may be respected and them, have suffered in aggravated instances preserved. Hence could the right of from the cruizers of the republic, a series France to extend her line of territory by ofinjuries, of insults,and injustice; tolerable conquest be admitted, still would it be a in war, because common to it; but most violation by her of the laws and rights of intolerable in peace, because directly re- nations not to respect the independence pugnant to the principles of any just of other states. But, with the right of peace or recognized neutrality.--He had conquest denied her (for how could a goalready remarked, that even America vernment, itself an 'usurpation, possess could not escape that ravaging republic. that right), her interference in the internal The fact had indeed been, that next to a government of other nations added to the state of active and inveterate war, was the criminality of her conduct. Did not Jastate of those two republies for a long cobin France attempt the overthrow of time. Then surely. it was not in those every government ? Did not Jacobin facts that noble lords were to look for France arm governors against the govern. proofs that the principles and views of the ed; and when her politics suited it, did republic were at length changed from not she arm the governed against the gowild, anarchic, and destructive hostility; vernors ? What had been her conduct in to a system of justice and love of order. Switzerland ? In Italy the whole scheme These, however, were not the only facts of civil society was changed, and the inhe had to state as proofs of the hostile dependence of every government violated.

remorse.

The Netherlands, too, exhibit to mankind sumed the command of her armies; and, monuments of the awful veneration with to give permanence to the usurpation, inwhich the republic has regarded the in- posed on her a government not new merely dependence of other states? Was it part in form but in name. If again armistice of the system formed to give permanence has been followed by negotiation for peace, to their abhorrence of all interference with negotiation for peace has seldom been the internal government of other coun- productive of much else than protracted tries, to their respect for the independence ruin, or has been the prelude to more deof all other nations, to publish their me- structive war. The history of her negomorable decree of Noveinber 1792 ? That tiations was the history of wickedness, decree had not slept a dead letter on their the record of crimes. It was the teeming statute book. No, it was still the active annals of hollow, deep, inflexible perfidy, energetic principle of their whole conduct, of treaties made to be violated without and the whole world was interested in the shame, and of alliances formed to be extinction of that principle for ever.--He outraged without

Through claimed it, therefore, as the fair result of all Europe these truths were acknowthe facts he had adduced, that the asser- ledged, because through all Europe the tions of the minister of France were con- effects had been felt, and deprecated, of tradicted and proved to be false, by a re

the terrible wreck of thrones and the ference to the events of the war, and to overthrow of states, which were the issues the history of

the rise and progress of the of French alliance and the pledges of revolution. The House must have felt, French faith. The grand duke of Tuscany that every fact tended directly to prove was among the early sufferers by a treaty that no change had taken place in the sen- of peace with the republic. In every thing timents and views of the government of that abused prince strove to conform his France. How truly the second principle conduct to the views of France; but the was founded on just conceptions of the train had been laid, and, at a moment views and conduct of the republic, would when the honour of the republic was appear presently. It would appear, “ that pledged for the security of his state, be no safe, honourable, and permanent peace saw the troops of his ally enter his capital, could be made with France in her present the governor of Florence imprisoned, his situation, and with her present rulers.” | subjects in a state of rebellion, and himThe proofs in this case were numerous. self about to be exiled from his dominions. Every power with whom the republic had It was to this prince, however, that the treated, whether for armistice or for republic repeated her assurances of attachpeace, could furnish melancholy instances ment; but the republic that sought not of the perfidy of France, and of the am- conquest, that would not interfere with bition, injustice, and cruelty of her rulers. the government of other states, deposed Did she agree to a suspension of arms, it the sovereign, and gave a democracy to was in order to be admitted into the state the Florentines ! The king of Sardinia of the negotiating prince, that she might opened the gates of his capital to the rethe more successfully undermine his publican arms, and, confiding in the inte. throne, by corrupting the principles of grity of the French government, expected his subjects. In no stage of their pro- to find his possessions guaranteed by the gress have lter generals disguised that treaty which recognized his title and his they entered neighbouring countries only rights, and which guaranteed to France to despoil the rich of their inheritances; adequate advantages. He was forced to and even poverty itself has been stripped resign his continental dominions, while of her rags, of those relics of wretchedness Turin was treacherously taken possession of which the storm had not quite torn away, by the republicans. History would record that the republic might yet persevere in these events with the minuteness which her war of extermination to all people and belong to them, and in that succession in to all kings. The fate of Switzerland was which, to the misfortune of all nations, in the recollection of noble lords. Swit- they opened on mankind. The change of zerland concluded a truce with the repub- the papal government was part of that lic; the republic excited insurrections in system. It was schemed by Joseph BuoSwitzerland; overthrew her institutions ; naparte in his palace; and after that amoppressed her people with contributions; bassador had excited an insurrection, we degraded, deposed, or exiled her magis- saw the revolution effected by him at the tracy; seized on her strong places; as- head of the Roman mob. In the exam

ple of Naples was displayed the same con- to regulate the commerce in captured tempt of the laws of war and of the rights commodities --- in the commodities of an of peace. The king of that state might allied republic, and an allied kingdoin ! have hoped, that towards him the faith of Reverting to the intercourse of the repubtreaty would be observed; for he had lic with the states of the empire, the same done nothing to provoke the wrath, or want of faith was to be discovered through, excite the cupidity of the republic. It was out. The armistice concluded by the true, indeed, that a war had broken out archduke with the general of the republic, between that prince and the Roman re- was succeeded by the treaty of Campopublic; but was there a man living who Formio. And was this treaty better obdoubted but that that republic, in itself, served than any of those which went be. neither inclined nor prepared to commence fore? It generated the causes of the war a war, was instigated by France to pro- which now rages for the second time voke hostilities The subsequent events through Europe. The republics of Italy of the war most fully proved that France that might have hoped to find some in. was in reality the author of it! for no dulgence from the republicans of France, sooner did the armies of these two states were next outraged and overthrown by the take the field, than the republicans joined same arts which we saw successful against the troops of Rome, and, not satisfied princes. After concluding the business with defending the capitol, carried their of the armistice with the Emperor, and destroying arms into the heart of Naples. the subsequent preliminaries to a treaty, Fortunately, those sovereigns bad regained the French directed their arms against their dominions; but so deep had the prin. Vepice. Here they proclaimed that they ciples of anarchy and disloyalty been every came as deliverers, who would release where sown, that not even at this hour them from the yoke of Austria, which, ac. were the states of Italy in possession of cording to the French generals, had long half the comforts of peace; nay, it might insulted, betrayed, and oppressed the rebe feared, that they experienced rather publican Venetians; but it was a mere those hardships which are the concomi- proclamation: for in no long time was the tants of war. "Prussia could not be fairly republic raised by themselves annihilated, said to have sustained no infraction of the and Venice sold to that very emperor, rights of peace, though Prussia might whose vaunted aggressions and extortions possibly be considered as having pecu. afforded the original pretext for the invaliarly shared the tender solicitude of the sion of the French. Genoa received them republic, to avoid war. It was five years as friends, and that the debt of gratitude since France and the court of Berlin ceased might be paid in the style of the new school to be enemies in the field; but those who Genoa was revolutionized, and a new go. knew what was the sensation produced at vernment hurried up, while, under the that court at the time, could clearly see authority of a mock constitution, we an infraction of the faith of treaty in the saw the people plundered and the country proceedings of France towards Hamburgh. pillaged. But, if injustice against princes In this city, whose independence Prussia and aristocracies forms part of the creed guarantees, the agents ofthe republic levied of the modern revolutionist, was jus:ice large contributions; and all Europe must better observed towards the republics be convinced that Prussia regarded such raised especially under the wings of France conduct as a violation of the pledged her own offspring, and affiliated with her ? friendship of France. Look at Holland Was it in any or in all these facts that and Spain, her allies, or rather her tribu- noble lords saw the security to this coun. taries : how had her treaties with them try from a peace concluded with such been observed? The privateers and armed a power? But it would be said, that those vessels of the republic, that swarm of Buc. were not the acts ofFrance more than they caneers fitted out to pirate the trade of were inevitably the result of a state of war. the whole world, took and carried into the This was easily answered by a reference ports of Francethe vessels of those friendly to the report of a principal member of the powers. This was not all; for, in contempt new government, who tells the committee of the acknowledged law of nations, the of elders, that neither the revolutionary republic decreed the property of the sub- nor the constitutional government was jects of her allies lawful prizes, and, to fill capable of maintaining the relations of the measure of injustice, even appointed friendship and peace with the powers of consuls in the ports of those very states Europe ; that treaties (as with Austria) were only made to be broken; and that the king as the proper act of the king. there was no security for Europe, or even The effect of this declaration was, however, the republic itself, while such a mass of ab- but too soon felt by his imperial majesty: surdity, of folly, and error, continued to for in 1792, when the French invaded his form the basis of the government. So much dominions, so unprepared was he, that the did the actors in the last revolution be Netherlands speedily fell into the hands lieve the statement of this reporter (Boulai of the republic. England not only did de la Meurthe), that they founded their not mean to interfere with the internal afclaims to the approbation and assent of the fairs of France, but actually authorized people of France, on the declaration, that her ministers on the continent to become iheir government is founded on a just the mediators between the powers at war. view of those vices and defects, and on Even M. Chauvelin and M. Talleyrand principles which are to stop the revolutions admitted this. Here his lordship took a of the republican order.

general view of the correspondence at that If, then, the declarations of the rulers period, and insisted, that in all respects it of France so entirely support all that his proved the aggression to have originated majesty's ministers have, from time to time, with France. He next took a view of the stated on the subject of war and peace, limited question of the practicability of what other course would wisdom bid Great negotiation at this time, and maintained Britain adopt, but to await the event of that the reception of our ambassador at things, to await the result of future expe. Paris and at Lisle, the final result of the rience, and not to enter on negotiation at negotiations there attempted, and the prea time when no one advantage can fairly sent temper and conduct of the governbe expected from it? To attempt to ne. ment of France, were such as not to wargotiate, would in fact be, to impeach all rant any man in considering negotiation former decisions, to Jibel the past decla- practicable. But suppose negotiation rations of that House, and the good practicable, were we quite sure that it sense and spirit of the people of England; would not be turned against us into an enbut, above all, it would betray the interests gine of destruction? Had not the same of our allies at a moment when the whole thing happened to other nations, and did world hails with impatience the renewal we all at once forget the sworn hatred of of that vigorous resistance to the aggres. the Jacobins against England ? Here his sions of France, which has already pro- lordship commented with much success on duced such signal good, and which, under the note of the French minister; and with the blessing of God, may yet lead to the respect to the assertion in it, that the powdeliverance of Europe from the principles ers of Europe had originally provoked the and the arms of the common enemy of republic, by refusing to recognize her, man. Thus long he had detained their "to the exertion of her own strength and lordships attention to a mere statement of of the courage of her citizens,” his lordfacis; and so conclusive did those facts ship observed, that more was meant in the appear to him, that he would not attempt original than could be expressed in any to diversify their aspect by arguments. translation with appropriate spirit and There had just occurred to him a topic phrase. It was an artful insinuation that which should have preceded much of what the republic was dragged into the war ; he had been stating. This was, the asser- but the spirit of the original was, that she tion in the note of M. Talleyrand, that carried her arms into neutral states, to this country was the original aggressor in make her claims valid against nations at the war. Here his lordship entered into war. In other words, if a neutral state the detail of that question, and reiterated would not commit aggressions on states at the arguments of ministers to prove that war with the republic, or supply the wants France was the aggressor. He disclaimed of her soldiers, she was to resort to the all alliance and connexion with any power exertion of her strength and the courage or powers whatever for the purpose of of her citizens, to subjugate and plunder overthrowing the government of France, them. It was in this spirit that they inespecially the pretended treaties of Pavia vaded and seized on Egypt; and in the and Pilnitz: and observed, that so far was same spirit might England expect to be the Emperor from meditating such interfer invaded, if, unlike the other powers of ence, he expressly notified to all the courts Europe, which surround the republic, we of Europe, that he considered the accept- were not separated by a channel that, un. apce of the new French constitution by der God, will ever be impassable.

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