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kingdom for the purpose of overturning the government. The suspension had been continued in 1799, on account of the critical situation of Ireland; but now their lordships were desired to continue it still farther, without any reason whatever being adduced. Since the revolution, the Habeas Corpus act had only been suspended three times: on account of the assassination plot in the reign of king William; in 1715, and in 1745; the two last being periods of actual rebellion; but even then, so jealous was parliament of this great bulwark of our liberties, that they would only consent to suspend it for three months. From the present mode of proceeding, he began to fear that this was only a prelude to making the suspension perpetual. When was there a likelihood of putting an end to it? If we might believe what had been said in another place, not until Jacobinism was extinguished. He professed he did not understand what was meant by Jacobinism. It was a term of abuse indiscriminately thrown on every person who differed in sentiment from ministers. If, however, there were really 80,000 of these incorrigibles, as had somewhere been said by a certain great master of this kind of political arithmetic; and if what had been said on another occasion was true, that the principles of Jacobinism, once imbibed, were never to be eradicated, long indeed, he feared, it would be, before this great bulwark of our liberties would be restored. He condemned the great length of time which had elapsed since the imprisonment of the 29 persons now immured in different gaols, some upwards of two years, without being brought to trial. He also reprobated the sending them from prison to prison, which operated as a punishment before conviction.

The Earl of Carlisle said, that no man, more sincerely regarded the Habeas Corpus act than he did. He revered it as the Palladium of our liberties, the fortress of our freedom, but he did not wish to see it made use of as the strong-hold of rebellion. He, for one, was perfectly ready for a limited time, on an ascertained emergency, to part with all the advantages of this great instrument of security of person, in order to possess its full benefits when the danger should have passed away. The horrid principles which had occasioned the suspension appeared to be weakened; but were not yet extinct. He saw no danger in trusting such a

Lord Holland said, that if the legislature should continue to act upon the principles which the noble earl had advanced, we should never again enjoy the blessings of liberty. The noble earl had said, that the Habeas Corpus should be again suspended because the people made no complaints of the manner in which ministers had exercised the powers entrusted to them. As long, then, as the country remained in a state of tranquillity, the same arguments might be used; and if discontents should arise, then it would be said that the constitution was in danger, and that it was necessary to allow persons to be taken up upon suspicion, that we might defeat the purposes of the seditious. At any rate, as long as the republic of France subsists, so long the Habeas Corpus act must be suspended. Was it to be borne, that a valuable privilege should be for ever withheld from the people without any reason, or for reasons completely puerile? When it was allowed on all hands that nothing but extreme necessity could justify the measure proposed, was it not incumbent to show that that necessity existed? But, supposing the country was in a very critical state, what remedy would the present act apply? The only powers it would legally vest in government would be, to retain in custody those whom they meant to try; but for whose conviction, though there could be no doubt of their guilt, sufficient evidence could not, at the moment, be obtained; or to retain those in custody, who could be easily convicted, but the evidence which would be given upon whose trials it would be highly impolitic to disclose. If ministers had only made use of these powers, and if there was a call for the measure, he should certainly vote for it; but they had acted on very different principles. Of the seven years of the war, the Habeas Corpus act had been suspended five; and of the multitudes who had been imprisoned in virtue of that suspension, few had been brought to trial, and only one convicted. Neither was that person guilty of treason against this country, or connected with any societies, or any individuals of consequence, in the kingdom. None of his machinations

fences. But, granting that the conduct of ministers had been mild and lenient, yet to keep up a notion that security was owing not to the protection of the law, but to the mercy of a few individuals, must be attended with the most fatal consequences. Men, in ceasing to owe obligations to the constitution, must lose all affection for it, and see without regret another erected in its stead. Judge Blackstone had recommended, that we should surrender our liberties for a while in order to secure them for ever; but he had added, that the occasion should be urgent indeed, and that even then we should not consent to part for any length of time with the Palladium of the constitution.

Lord Eldon said, that the noble lord had argued, that there was only one solitary conviction, and that in that person's case there was no treason produced against this country.

could ever have brought about rebellion or insurrection. What harm would have followed from his going over to the enemy with a paper which was signed by nobody? Ought the constitution to be suspended for years because O'Coigley was condemned? He contended, that government had a right to retain in custody only those whom they intended to try; and he would put it to the conscience of their lordships, whether more harm would have accrued from bringing to trial the twenty-nine persons now in gaol, than had accrued from suspending the Habeas Corpus act? But it was said to be merely used as a measure of precaution to protect the constitution from the evil designs of the many turbulent men who longed for its overthrow. The rational principles on which the French revolution was commenced, the plausible, though pernicious doctrines which had been professed in its later stages, and the splendid success which had attended the arms of the republic, might have dazzled many, and made some in this country long to see the visionary theories of freedom reduced to practice. But was it not likewise probable that the horrid crimes which had been committed in the name of liberty, and the final subjugation of France to a military government, had made many incline to arbitrary power, and adopt tory and high church principles, who were formerly animated with a hatred to slavery? It was one of the great evils of the French revolution that it had brought the cause of freedom into discredit; and there could be no doubt that the ancient spirit of Britons had been nearly abandoned, since they had patiently borne the most alarming abridgment of their privileges, and the most flagrant infringement on their rights. If one set of causes had operated, why might not ano-sufficient legal proof could only be ther? The prerogative had less to fear at present from the encroachments of the people, than at any former period. Much had been said of the leniency with which government had exercised its powers. He was old fashioned enough to think that the good treatment of the subject should not be at the discretion of any individuals, but should be secured to him by law. The imprisonment even of twentynine persons was no strong mark of le niency. He should like to know whether they were kept in custody to be tried, or merely to deprive them of their freedom, and to punish them for their supposed of

But the fact was, that the person convicted was proved to have been planning, with disaffected bodies of men in this country, the destruction of the British interest in Ireland; and surely the noble lord need not be told, that a person attempting to sever the crown of Ireland from that of England, was guilty of an overt act of treason. The noble lord had argued, that none should be apprehended but such as could be brought to trial; but he should know, that cases might occur, in which for want of two witnesses, persons could not be legally convicted, though no doubt remained of their guilt. But would the noble lord say because in this country a person could not be put upon his trial for high treason without the testimony of two witnesses, that therefore no danger existed? With regard to what had passed at Maidstone, would the noble lord argue, that, because

brought against one of the men who were put upon their trial, the legislature should not have endeavoured to prevent the mischief? He would venture to say, that to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act was owing the preservation of the crown in the house of Hanover; and that by it late and former conspiracies had been broken to pieces.

The House divided: Contents 30: NotContents, 3.

* Sir John Scott: created baron Eldon, July 18, 1799.

Proceedings in the Commons respecting the Deficiency of the last Crop of Grain.] Feb. 18. The House having resolved itself into a Committee on the Report respecting the Assize of Bread, and the Deficiency of the last crop of Grain, [See p. 1403.]

The fact was, that it was from the Baltic, and from America, that we received in ordinary the supplies of grain which the country required. Before the war, France did not grow any considerable quantity of grain above that which she consumed; and the produce of the NeLord Hawkesbury said, that there was therlands was consumed by the inhabitants, one proposition which he wished to sub- by the United Provinces, and by the peo mit to the committee; but before he made ple in the less fertile districts upon the it, he would offer a few observations upon Rhine. The present scarcity was certhe state of the country at the present tainly alarming; but the danger was much time. The origin of this committee was exaggerated. This might be proved by certainly to be found in governor Pow- the statement of a few circumstances. nall's bill; but even in 1773, the pro- The consumption of grain in the country moters of that bill were of the same opi- must be estimated from the number of nion which the best informed men now the consumers, and the amount of the entertained, namely, that little relief consumption of each individual. The could be obtained in a time of scarcity by number of consumers of wheaten bread interfering with the conduct of millers, or depended much upon the abundance of subjecting them to different regulations the crop, and the consequent price of from those which now directed them. wheaten bread. On an average, one third There was but one proposition which he of the people did not consume wheaten had now to make. He thought that this bread. A great majority of the people in was a subject on which little could be Scotland, Westmorland, Cumberland, done by measures of legislation, on which the North Riding of Yorkshire, part of much more might be expected from the Lancashire, of Wales, Cornwall, and the private influence of gentlemen, by exam- northern parts of Devonshire, consumed ple in their own families, and by recom- bread made of oats, barley, and other mendation to others, than by any proceed- grain. Now, as to the quantity of wheat ings of parliament. Upon the subject of consumed, a quarter of wheat in the year the present scarcity, there was one argu- for each man was the general calculation. ment which had often been used by gen- This allowance would require between tlemen on the other side of the House; eight and nine millions of quarters, to namely, that the war was the cause of the supply this country for a year. present scarcity. Did gentlemen mean by produce of the country varied in differsuch an assertion that the state of hostili- ent years; but the average computies in which we were placed with some tation between very high and very low countries in Europe, prevented the im- seasons might come nearest the truth. portation of grain which otherwise might This average did not feed the country; have been imported into this country? Or for the average importation for several did they mean that the war increased the years back might be estimated at one consumption of corn in the country? twentieth of the whole consumption. The As to the supposition that the war pre-deficiency of the late crop might be esvented the importation of corn, it was a known fact, that the average importation for the last seven years was as high as that of any preceding period. In 1796, the importation was greater than was ever known before and amounted to nearly 900,000 quarters of grain. The war, then, could have no direct influence in preventing the importation of corn. But it might be said, that it operated by an indirect influence, that it prevented us from importing corn from countries where we could be supplied, because with these countries we were in a state of hostility.cessary this season, would be about

* See Vol. 17, p. 697.

[VOL. XXXIV.]

The

timated at one third of the usual crop, which must be added to the one twentieth usually imported, in order to estimate what importation would be necessary this season. It must, however, be considered, that there was in the country a stock in hand from the preceding harvest sufficient to supply one month. But if we also take the foreign corn in the country at the same period, there was certainly much more than would be consumed in a month. Considering all these circumstances, the probable amount of the importation ne

600,000 quarters of wheat; whereas in 1796 the importation was more than [5 C]

800,000 quarters. The millers and others skilled in the subject, had recommended some regulations as to the use of new bread; and had computed, that by such regulations there might be a saving of one fortnight of the whole consumption. It had also been stated, that millers, when the price of grain was high, and consequently when bread was dear, extracted from the grain a greater quantity of flour than they did at other times. This would ford a second saving. A third would arise from the use of substitutes for bread. As the price of grain, even in those countries from which we could receive a supply was high, it was to be feared that the high price of grain in this country was inevitable; but from a review of all the circumstances, it might be collected, that there was no real danger of scarcity. It was clear, that this country did not feed itself. For several years back, the importation of grain had amounted annually to 400,000 quarters. This might appear strange when we recollected the vast sums expended in bounties for the exportation of grain. So late as the administration of Mr. Pelham, not less than 500,000l. were stated to be paid annually in bounties on the exportation of grain. What had caused the difference? Had the agriculture of the country diminished? No; the improvement of our agriculture had kept pace during this disastrous war, as some gentlemen had called it, with the increase of our trade, the extension of our commerce and the augmentation of our power. The inclosure of waste lands had certainly been one principal means of improving the agriculture of the country. Now, during seven years of the most prosperous peace that this country ever enjoyed, the number of inclosure bills which passed the House amounted to 227. Whereas, duing the last seven years of war, the num ber had been 479. Let us also attend to the improvement which had taken place in husbandry. This could not be doubted to have taken place in many districts, particularly in the low lands of Scotland, and in the border counties. If, then, the agriculture of the country had kept pace in improvement with its trade and commerce, why had such a change taken place in the adequacy of the produce of the country to the support of its inhabitants? It must be imputed solely to the immense increase of population, and to the increased consumption of the individual inhabitants, in consequence of their increased wealth.

There never was an instance of a highly flourishing state, which had attained the period of its grandeur, producing enough to maintain its inhabitants. If we looked back to the republic of Rome, we should find this observation confirmed. As soon as it attained power and greatness, it was obliged to have recourse to other countries for supplies of grain. Sicily was its first granary, and afterwards Egypt. The crop then, in this country, was not sufficient for the supply of its inhabitants: and when this and the ordinary importa tion failed, the best method that could be adopted was, the use of substitutes. It was indeed difficult to introduce them. It was difficult to change old habits; but for such a purpose the attempt ought to be made. If this plan were adopted, this country contained in itself the means of feeding its inhabitants. At present the method of feeding it was not the most economical. Great economy might be introduced, and every person would rejoice, that by the efforts of individuals (and it is but respectful to mention the name of count Rumford) this economy was already reduced by many to practice. It appeared from his calculations and statements, that one third more sustenance might be derived from many articles of provision, without abridging the luxuries of the rich than was usually drawn from them. The use of substitutes was particularly to be recommended in charities and in parochial relief. This would be one means of introducing them; and though their general introduction might not be effected at once, yet it must be recollected that this was not the first year of scarcity that we had felt; that it would not be the last: that within these five years it was the second time that a scarcity had occurred. Thus it appeared, that though inclosures had been going on rapidly, and agriculture had been improving, the increase of population had out run them. The noble lord then moved, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to prohibit any person or persons from selling, or offering for sale, any bread which has not been baked for a certain number of hours."

Mr. Hobhouse was glad that this subject had at last been taken into consideration. He admitted that the scarcity was principally to be attributed to the deficiency of the crops, but insisted that the war not only increased consumption, but cut off some of the means of supply, by shutting many of the ports of Europe

He made a handsome panegyric on the liberality of the country, which had so generously come forward in relief of the poor. The different classes were more nearly linked together; and the poor were now taught to consider those as their friends and benefactors, whom they regarded before with an invidious and angry

against us, and rendered every article of | import dearer, by the advanced price of freight and insurance. With respect to the proposed remedy, he approved it, as far as it went, and was glad to hear that seme others were in contemplation. He thought, however, that little could be expected from positive laws, and that more was to be done by exhortation, by example, and by charity properly distributed. He had no doubt that the affluent would exert themselves upon the present trying occasion. He would himself make every effort.

The Speaker said, he found it stated in the report of 1795, on the testimony of a miller, that excellent bread might be made of the whole wheat, without taking away any of the bran: for he had him self seen bread made of that kind. He had now to state, on the authority of a person, to whose exemplary life he owed the first of all obligations, that the best bread was made of the entire wheat. On mentioning the different classes into which the ancients divided their bread, he said, that the first was made of the finest flour; the second was a mixture of that flour with the pollard; and the third class was the whole flour with the bran: that, of those three kinds of breads, the first and second seemed to have been little used; but that the third sort was in general use, from its excellent effects. On experiment, it was found by chemists that this sort contained a vast quantity of essential oil; and in this consisted the true spirit of the wheat: not that which was fiery and caused fermentation, but that which was mild and nutricious. It was also proved that damaged wheat might be amended by a commixture with good. The cultivation of potatoes ought to be encouraged. This might be brought into consumption about July and August, and might fill up the time between the old and new harvest. He next alluded to the rise of butchers' meat. From the lower parts of the country, which had been flooded from the continual rains, great quantities of cattle were destroyed and sent up early to market; in order to remedy that evil, he wished the country to get a little repose. This might be done by the use of swine, the increase of which he recom mended. He would also recommend the importation of rice. This was a food suitable to sedentary persons, and might be sold for three-halfpence the pound.

eye.

Mr. W. Bird thought that the noble lord went too far in saying that any man who connected the war and the scarcity together, was no good subject. He, for one, must be of opinion, that though the war was not the cause of the scarcity, it had occasioned the continuance of that scarcity. As we could not depend upon a large supply from abroad, it behoved us to decrease the consumption of corn. He thought it little better than a mockery, merely to recommend the use of stale bread, and that the rich should not distribute their charity to the poor in bread. For his part, it was not the poor whom he wished to see deprived of the use of bread; he would rather recommend a saving in this article to the rich, who abounded in superfluities. Let the rich but deny themselves this supply for a month or two, and they would serve the poor effectually, and bring down the blessings of thousands upon them.

Mr. Wilberforce said, it appeared to him, that if the whole grain were used, if not universally, yet in part, it would serve to lengthen out the supply. He also thought, that the legislature were warranted in interfering, and particularly that in all parochial relief of bread or flour, it should consist only of that made of the whole grain. He did not believe that the scarcity arose from the war, or from any increase of population, but that it was owing to the unfavourable season. There were various sources whence the country might look for supplies. The first of these was importation. Although no one ought to speak slightly of the supply to be derived from importation, yet the means of relief now proposed were as likely to be beneficial as that to be derived from importation. Another mode of economy was, that of bringing animal food in the shape of soup into more general use. Economy in the use of flour, was required in those shops in which rolls, fancy biscuits, &c., were displayed. If the use of oats were prohibited, except for the food of man (allowing for the demand that would be made for the cavalry, mail-coach

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