given at the bar of the House, and in that case he had little doubt but it would be found that the real scarcity was nothing near so great as it was represented to be in the report. He therefore moved the order of the day.

The Earl of Liverpool agreed, that any legislative act, made by way of interference in an exigency of this nature, might be attended with mischievous consequences; but he could not conceive that the report of the House of Commons, on the evidence of two gentlemen whose characters stood so high in the world, could be attended with any such consequences. He thought the right reverend prelate deserved the thanks of the country for his early interference. The prices of wheat had risen rapidly. The calamity unfortunately existed, and ought to be met by every means in our power as speedily as possible. At the same time he was free to confess, that the danger seemed to be exaggerated.

Lord Auckland said, that the noble baron accused him of having, on a former day, sounded the trumpet of alarm upon the momentous question of the deficiency of grain. He would answer to the accusation, that if he had sounded the trumpet of truth, he had discharged a sacred duty to his countrymen; and certainly he would not be discouraged by the admonitions of those who were persuading themselves, and were endeavouring to persuade others, to go forwards towards a precipice with a thoughtless step, and with closed eyes. Parliamentary reasons and silence were, in some cases, neither desirable nor possible under such a constitution as ours. It was, however, an entire mistake to suppose, that when he first mentioned this subject to the House a few days before, he had expressed any opinion as to the specific failure of the last crops. He had merely adverted to the evidence stated in the report of the Commons, according to which the deficiency had been from onethird to one-half below an average crop. It might be true, that an alarm respecting the supposed insufficiency of crops might create an increase of price, and it was also true that high prices were in themselves an evil. But if it should appear in the result, that the high prices were founded in real scarcity, how infinitely fortunate, would it be, that a timely alarm had been given? Such an alarm might prevent the suspicion of artificial scarcity, and all the popular excesses which were

often occasioned by such suspicions. But, above all things, it would promote that disposition to economy which the resolutions proposed by his venerable relation were meant to make efficient. It was a short-sighted objection to those resolutions, that their impression on the public mind might tend to increase the high prices of grain, the scarcity of which some individuals were pleased to consider as in a great degree artificial. Why they should so consider it in opposition to their own recollection of a Summer and Autumn wet and unfavourable almost beyond example, he would not discuss. He would only remark, that when the incredulity of noble lords, under the circumstances just described, was made the motion for rejecting all precautions against a calamity at least very possible, it reminded him of an anecdote which he believed might be found in the Spectator. "How much wiser am I than you?" says a thoughtless profligate to a good bishop: "I enjoy all the gratifications and pleasures of my present existence without limit and without restraint; because I do not believe that there is a future state." Young man," replies the bishop, "I pursue the conduct which my firm persuasion of a future day of judgment enforces on me. If my creed should be ill-founded, I shall, at the worst, have made no sacrifices that are not amply compensated by conscious rectitude, and by the self-satisfaction attendant on virtue and on religion. But if you should be mistaken in your pretended incredulity, the consequence will be most terrible to you."-Lord Auckland next adverted to some remarks which had been made by lord Liverpool, not as objections to the proposed resolutions, but with a wish to ascertain their practicability. It was meant, he said, by recommendation and example to induce the high and middle classes to diminish the use of bread in their families, not in a vague and fallacious proportion below the ordinary consumption, but a limited and specified quantity. On a full inquiry there was reason to believe, that in times of plenty the ordinary consumption, exclusive of pastry, and of waste in many ways, was about a quartern loaf and a half quartern loaf per week for each individual, or nearly fifteen ounces per day. It was now proposed that, till the next harvest, the families of the classes above-mentioned should consume only one quartern loaf (sixty-nine ounces) per week for each individual, be

ing at the rate of about ten ounces per day. In all families above the labouring classes, this reduction would be practicable. To this it was proposed to add the discontinuance of all pastry. In many families these reductions would be more than a half of the ordinary consumption; he would, however, suppose it to be only a third. Considerable aid might be expected from other countries: not, how ever, to the extent which some persons supposed. Least of all, could much be attainable from France, even if the intercourse were open. It was well known that in times of peace and of good harvests, France never had produced sufficient for her own consumption. M. Necker had explained this circumstance with much detail and accuracy. His countrymen would find their best and surest supply in their own resources, and most particularly by reducing their consumption conformably to the resolutions proposed.

The Earl of Suffolk said, that the magnitude of the evil might be estimated by the enormous price of wheat. It was their duty to promote every means of abridging the consumption. He wondered that among the various substitutes proposed, that of rice was not pre-eminently held fourth. One-third of the inhabitants of one quarter of the world subsisted on that vegetable alone. Rice, when mixed with flour, afforded a good and palatable bread. Proper substitutes should be one of the objects of inquiry. Indeed, if ample premiums were held out for the suggestion of substitutes, it might be beneficial, as the evil was not only a present, but a growing one. There were great and extensive tracts of land in various parts of the kingdom, lying unproductive, the cultivation of which would be attended with the happiest effects.

The Bishop of Durham spoke highly in commendation of the plan suggested by the venerable prelate. He thought it must be attended with the best effects, as the lower orders of the people naturally looked up to the example of the higher; and were such a model adopted by the latter, it would prove that they were determined not to indulge in the luxuries of life, to -the injury of the poor. The retrenchment should not be confined to the article of bread. There were a variety of luxuries, which at such times ought to be laid aside by the wealthy, for the accommodation and comfort of the poor.

Lord Grenville agreed in the impolicy

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of proposing compulsory measures in such cases as the present. The propositions alluded to might be attended with good effects; and he believed, that but one sentiment pervaded the House, which was, by every proper and effectual means to avert the threatened calamity; at the same time he thought that frequent and public agitations of the subject would rather tend to increase than to lessen the evil; as by promoting the discussion, they would not remain in the situation from which they set out, but be drawn into a worse; it must, by creating an unnecessary degree of alarm, increase the existing distress. The plan in question was in principle little different from that suggested three or four years ago. There was one point, however, that transpired in the course of the debate, which he could not pass over, namely, that it was necessary by such proceedings as these, to evince to the lower, that the higher orders of society felt for, and were determined to alleviate their distresses. Happily this was not necessary, as there existed in this country a union of interest, an intimacy of connection, between all orders of society, that had convinced all that their interests and happiness were founded on the same basis, and were to be promoted by the same means. Such a calamity as the present was felt more or less by every member of the community.

The Earl of Romney thought the scarcity was not so great as was imagined. In Kent the harvest had not failed, though the crops might not have turned out as large as those of 1798. He believed that the scarcity was artificial, and that at this moment there were many granaries and large warehouses full of wheat on the banks of the Thames, the owners of which held them back from the market, in hopes of the price rising still higher. He thought the report superficial and inadequate, and that the committee ought to have carried their enquiries much farther.

The Earl of Darnley said, that although he continued of the same opinion, he should withdraw his motion for the order of the day.

The Lord Chancellor said, that he approved of the measure brought forward, if some of the terms were so altered as to make it appear the proposition and agreement of those noble lords who signed it. He then took notice of the report of the Commons, and was by no means satisfied

with its being founded on the opinions of two gentlemen only. That was not the best evidence which might have been obtained. In the course of the last twentyfive years he had had many opportunities of investigating the average price of corn and other provisions, and he had found, as well from those as from the opinion of one of the greatest men this country had produced (Mr. Burke), that the average produce of corn, take the whole country throughout, was not more than twenty bushels an acre.

The Resolution and Agreement were then carried; and a message was ordered be sent to the Commons to acquaint them therewith.

Feb. 27. The Earl of Darnley rose to confirm and illustrate the position laid down by him, on the 20th, that the scareity of grain was greatly exaggerated, and that the alarm that had been sounded on that subject was not only unfounded, but likely to prove highly detrimental to the public. After producing a variety of authorities, from gentlemen farmers, stewards, and surveyors of estates, and others, his lordship concluded thus:-And now, having, as I trust, proved that my former statement was neither made lightly, nor without foundation, I should betray my duty to my country, if I did not strongly express my disapprobation of the exaggerated statements of distress and approaching famine, which have been conveyed to the public by the report of the committee of the House of Commons, and by speeches in this House founded on that report, which, though calculated, in my opinion, to do infinite mischief, rest upon no better foundation than the evidence of Mr. Claude Scott and Mr. Arthur Young. Some noble lords appear forward to take credit to themselves for having sounded this alarm, and especially one (lord Auckland), who, on a former occasion, when I ventured to give my opinion in opposition to his, appeared to assume much merit for those strong statements of impending famine, with which he introduced this subject to the House, because, as he alleged, they were founded in truth. Now to admit, for the sake of the argument, that these dismal forebodings were really founded in fact, does that noble lord think, that, in holding up this frightful spectacle to public view, he acts with policy, with wisdom, or even with humanity? Instead of proclaiming to the

affrighted people of this country, that the stock of corn at present on hand is not sufficient to support them till the next harvest, without at the same time being able to point out to them any effectual means of obviating the evil, surely it would have been more consistent with humanity, to have remained silent, at least till such a remedy could be found. But instead of remedying, 1 contend, that what you have done must inevitably increase the evil, inasmuch as it must tempt all persons, who have corn in their possession, to withhold it from market, in hopes of a better price, which you have told them they have so much reason to expect. But if, as I trust I have proved, the alarm is not founded on fact, I find it difficult to express, in terms sufficiently strong, my opinion of those who lightly, and without sufficient proof, bring forward to public view the hideous spectre of famine, which they fancy is approaching, and by sounding their boasted trumpet of alarm, proclaim to the people of England, that much as they may now suffer by the high price of bread, they must soon expect to suffer much more, and probably have none to eat. They remind me of those magnificent lines of Virgil, wherein he describes the fury of Discord raising her tremendous voice, and terrifying all the surrounding nations, of Italy by the dreadful sound:

"At sæva è speculis tempus dea nacta noTartaream intendit vocem; quâ protinus omne cendi, Contremuit nemus, et silvæ intonuere profundæ.

Audiit et Triviæ longè lacus, audiit amnis Sulfureâ Nar albus aquâ, fontesque Velini."

The trumpet of approaching famine (sounded, as I contend, without reason) has been heard from the Orkneys to the Land's End. The inhabitants of the whole island have been terrified with it; and mothers who, at the present price of the necessaries of life, find it difficult to maintain their children, tremble at the approach of much greater distress, which you have taught them to expect. But those who have done this say it is with the best intentions, and with a view of remedying the evil. They think they have discharged their duty, by publicly making such statements; and for this I am ready to give them full credit. On the other hand, however, I think I have discharged mine, by endeavouring to confute them;