principles. I never was, nor am ever likely to be connected with any party, or head of a party; and when my second son some time ago expressed a wish to go into the army, I strenuously advised him against it, though I have ever entertained the highest respest for it: But I well knew, and endeavoured to convince him of it, that he might remain for years a subaltern, if he had not ministerial interest, or money sufficient to purchase the necessary steps of preferment. He has, therefore, embraced a profession, in which, if he has talents, he will be able by them to acquire

both honour and emoluments.

The Earl of Liverpool said, that many of the peculiar expenses attached to land were allowed to be deducted previous to the operations of the bill taking effect. The noble earl had laid much stress upon the effects of the additional salt duties. They certainly bore with additional weight on those parts of the country where cheese was manufactured; but was it not notorious that the maker repaid himself by the advanced price of his cheese? A similar argument would apply in other cases where the produce of land became peculiarly liable to the effect of taxation.

Lord Holland said, that the supporters of the measure had attempted to establish two different propositions: first, that the abstract principle of the bill was the first point to be discussed in that House; and next, that this principle had been admitted by the triple assessment of last year. This doctrine of admission of principles in limine, without examination of the practicability or expediency of the measure, upon which the justness or fallacy of such principle must depend, seemed to him a kind of parliamentary jargon, which if it was not introduced with the design, had, at least, answered the purpose of keeping the real merit of the question out of sight. What was the meaning of the abstract principle of a tax bill? He could see no advantage in deciding on the propriety of a nation raising her supplies within the year, without any circumstances given to judge of the expediency of such a measure, without any mode proposed, or materials granted for forming an opinion of the practicability of such a project. At best, it was a speculation for the political economist; it could not be part of the duty of a member of the legislature. The principle could only be admitted, from a conviction of its expediency and practicability; the practicability could

only be ascertained by an examination of the modes proposed for carrying it into execution, and the expediency only established by a comparison of the advantages and disadvantages likely to result from its adoption. If, upon an examination of the advantages and disadvantages likely to accrue, the latter were found to prevail, the bill ought to be rejected without any regard to its principle. It did not, however, appear, that what had been done last year was an admission of the principle. It was true an experiment had been tried, but it had completely failed: but supposing the legislature had admitted the principle, he hoped they were at liberty to change their opi nions on that subject as their lordships might have occasion to observe in the course of that debate, that persons of great financial knowledge might have very different notions, at different times, on subjects like the present.

He should now proceed to the consideration of the advantages and disadvantages which this scheme for raising ten millions within the year presented. He had no hesitation in saying that the disadvantages were so numerous and so palpable, that it appeared to him there could be no doubt as to the decision which their lordships ought to make, which was, to give it their negative. The arguments in favour of the measure, had been reduced to three. First, that it prevented all idea of delusion with regard to our situation, and made the people understand, at once, the nature and extent of the burthen they had to bear. Second, that the country saved, by raising the money at once instead of raising it by loans, the interest, whatever it was. The third reason was, that this proceeding was calculated to intimidate the enemy, who had placed their hope of our destruction on the increase of our debt.

With regard to the first of these arguments, the principle upon which it was founded met his sincerest approbation. He should be very happy to see any measure adopted to prevent the delusion of the people, but he must say, that if he were asked what was the greatest delusion that had marked the career of these delusive ministers, he should state it to be the measure which was now under discussion. For certain reasons, whether right or wrong, ministers had procured the repeal of the Assessed-tax act, passed last session; and from the preamble of the present

part of the savings which might enable people to pay the present tax should be taken from consumption, what then would be the result? A reduction of the revenue must be expected to follow a diminution of consumption. But if they should pay the tax out of their capital, the evil would still be greater, as that would prove reduction of the real strength of the country. It certainly was the operation of many taxes to take money out of one pocket, and put it into another; and if this effect was to be ascribed to the present, it was not unworthy of their lordships attention to consider from whose pockets it was to be taken, and into whose pockets it was to be put. Could their lordships look coolly forward to the prospect of their posterity becoming titled beggars? Their property was easily known, and they could not if they were inclined, evade the tax. Now, if it was true that this measure transported money from one pocket to another, it was evident that its object was, to take from those that had wealth, and to give to those that had none. Nothing, however, was more clear, than that the tax, the tendency of which was to shift property, by impoverishing the members of that House, would tend also to render them still more and more dependent on the crown; and if their lordships inherited the public spirit of their ancestors, they would not hesitate a moment in rejecting the bill on that score. As this measure must continue for many years, the whole weight of the tax must fall on those who should not be able to escape in fact on land-owners; or as the noble lord, whose book he had quoted, expressed it," on those who had ostensible possessions."

Among the many other disadvantages of the present tax was that of its inequality. It had been justly observed, that in taxation, as well as every thing else, it was impossible to reach perfection; but the inequalities of this measure would be much more severely felt than those of any other tax, as it was more extensive. Inequalities in smaller taxes fell generally upon some particular branch of trade, from which it would often be contrived to shift the burthen, at least a part of it; but the case was very different in the inequalities of a tax which affected the whole income of the country. For his part, if he thought it necessary to raise ten millions by direct taxation, he should be of opinion that the sum had better be raised by

| ten different taxes than by one. It was true, indeed, that this mode of collection would prove expensive; but if this was a disadvantage, which could not be avoided, it might be compensated by other advantages. The inequalities of each tax, in such a case, would fall on persons of different descriptions, and on none, therefore, very heavily; so that it might produce a sort of irregular equality. But not so with a great tax. The slightest inequality then, was sufficient to ruin whole classes and descriptions of people; and as it must all fall on a certain description of persons, must be more heavy in its operation, and more ruinous in its consequences. The evident tendency of this was, to sweep away all the middle classes, and to annihilate the most valuable part of society. The injustice of the scheme was particularly striking in its making no distinction as to the different kinds of income which fell under its operation. He could not see upon what principle it was that a gradation should be made from 607. up to 2007., and that after the latter sum there should be no increase whatever, but that one-tenth should be alike taken from the man of 2001. and the man of 5,000l. a year. This was another proof that it was the tendency of the tax to annihilate the middle classes. He was afraid that it would give too great an opportunity to the circulation of those calumnies which often represented some of their lordships to act from the worst of motives. It might, perhaps, be said, that the lower and higher classes were sheltered from the tax, and thus a compromise was made with him to crush the middle. He heard it whispered, why do not the persons of the latter class petition against the bill? He was afraid that this circumstance might be easily accounted for, but by a consideration which was truly melancholy. There were comparatively few, he believed in that situation of life, but had some dependence, either directly or indirectly, on the minister: it was therefore, not to be wondered at that scarce any public meetings had been held in opposition to the bill.

On the third argument in favour of the tax, much need not be said. He was far from thinking that the measure would have the effect upon the enemy which was expected from it: on the contrary, persevering in the funding system was much more likely to give them a great idea of our resources, because that sys

tem was not understood upon the continent. Their ignorance of its nature made persons abroad magnify its effects, and they were inclined to consider it an inexhaustible source to which the British government could always with confidence It was, therefore, far from being good policy to declare to the world, that we had at last arrived at the end of the funding system. There was one objection which had been urged with much force against the bill in another place he meant the evil arising from the disclosure of property. The book from which he had read so much, considered this as one of the greatest difficulties that would attend the carrying a tax upon income into effect. In this country there was certainly a very great reluctance to any measure that should lay open the situation of individuals; and in enforcing this their lordships ought to recollect that they had not only the interests but the prejudices of the people to combat. He was not now arguing whether this general desire of concealment was right or wrong; it was sufficient for him that it existed. It was the business of a wise legislature to consult the prejudices as well as the interests of a nation, and to be as careful that the former should not be violated, as that the latter should not be injured. The disclosure of property was particularly dreaded by persons in trade, and some provisions had been made in their favour; but it was obvious that it might also prove very injurious to many other descriptions of persons. It might happen that a father should be very unwilling to have the state of his affairs made known to his son, lest the knowledge of the wealth he was to inherit might damp the efforts of the youth in the pursuits he might wish him to engage, and make him neglect to exercise his talents. It might also be very injurious to other men, that their circumstances should be completely disclosed to persons on whom they have a dependence. And it ought not to be overlooked, that in order to procure this disclosure of income, the horrid system of multiplying oaths was resorted to, in consequence of which that sacred bond upon which life and property depends, must become daily more and more loosened. At the same time, son was set against father, and father against son. Nay, it even went so far as to bring forward, in spite of the uniform maxims of our law on that subject, the wife against her husband, as would be seen

upon referring to the 41st clause in the act. Thus it appeared that every social tie was diregarded.

Could he get over these objectionscould he be brought to concur in these preliminary injustices, he should, at least, say, let the arbitrary disclosure of property, and the imprudent mutiplication of oaths lead to an equal tax. The difficulty and cruelty of ascertaining the real value of a man's property instead of his income, would not be so great as the comparative advantage and equality of the tax upon all property. Much, in point of profit and quality, might be gained, and little lost, in point of justice and principle. nothing could be more unjust than the present scheme; according to which, the man whose property and income were as sixty to sixteen, paid the same as be whose property and income were as sixteen to sixty: yet their lordships had heard this praised as an equal mode of taxation. Indeed, the inequalities of the tax were so glaring and so obvious, that it was almost unnecessary to say a word upon that part of the subject. It was ridiculous that persons whose income was permanent, and descended to their heirs, should pay no more than those whose income arose from a profession or an annuity. As the tax applied to funded property after a dividend should be drawn, it was evidently a tax upon the stocks, and of course a violation of faith with the public creditor. It would certainly bear hard upon the funds in another way, and tend to lower them considerably. The reason of this was evident. The public funds were that description of personal property which was the least capable of being concealed; persons, therefore, who were anxious to evade this tax would sell out of the funds, and lay out their money in some other way. This was an effect that might very naturally be expected to take place. It was a silly argument to say, that the tax was not to extend to the funds, because the tenth of the dividend was not withheld in the payment, but only taken away when paid. This was like the story of the Golden Farmer. The man was allowed to have the money in his pocket, but was afterwards followed and knocked down for it. It reminded him of a transaction of the French government, which he knew to be true. Upon the conclusion of the treaty with Spain in 1794, it was stipulated by France, that all the Portuguese prisoners taken in the Spanish service

should be returned to Spain. France fulfilled this article of the treaty, by sending the Portuguese prisoners to Barcelona; but on their voyage from thence to Lisbon, they were captured by a French ship of war. The prisoners remonstrated against being carried back to France, and stated that they had just been set at liberty by the French government. Their remonstrance, however, was answered with this observation-" We released you as Spanish allies; we now retake you as Portuguese." This story might serve hereafter to illustrate the faith of government with respect to the funds. If he had no other objection to the bill than this violation of a public engagement, that alone would be a sufficient reason with him to oppose it.

Lord Auckland said:-My lords; The speech of the noble baron would have compelled me, in justice to myself, to solicit your attention for a few minutes, even if I had not already intended to submit some observations on the measure now before us. The noble earl who spoke first in the debate reminded me of his having expressed, in a former session, his wish, that the expense of every war might be principally sustained, during such war, by a fair and equal tax. I perfectly recollect the fact. And the noble earl admits, with becoming candour, that he is not adverse to the present bill: he is only dissatisfied with some of its provisions, the purport of which (I say it with all due deference) appears to me to be much misconceived by him. The bill has not received, nor can I learn that it is likely to receive, opposition or objection from any other quarter. I accordingly feel myself warranted in asserting that, with the exception of the noble baron's solitary negative, the measure in question has the concurrence of the House. And I firmly believe it to have, nearly in a similar proportion, the general assent of the kingdom.

struction given by the noble lord to those passages, and might answer, that, in the lapse of time, many speculative opinions (and personal opinions also) are liable fairly and honourably to be varied by events, by change of circumstances, by better information, and by more mature judgment. And surely, after an interval of twenty most eventful years, an opinion, of the kind alluded to, might be changed or abandoned without any cause of selfreproach. In the course of the next twenty years it may happen to the noble lord (and I trust and hope, without implying any disrespect, that it will happen) to change some of his political opinions with much self-satisfaction, and with benefit to his country. If, however, the noble lord had adverted with his usual accuracy to the context of the passages which he thought proper to cite, he would have found that they related to a voluntary contribution to be dependant on the enthusiasm of the contributors; or if to a forced and general contribution, then to be dependant on a mere voluntary disclosure of income. At the period of which I speak, it never entered into the minds of the most enlightened statesmen (and I appeal to a noble and learned friend, the lord chancellor, who now hears me, and was conversant in the discussions to which I refer) that it could be practicable to establish a forced and general contribution on the only just and efficient system of a forced disclosure. But I am not solicitous to avail myself of this explanation, even if I have been so fortunate as to satisfy your lordships that it is solid and sufficient. I now freely confess, that in 1779 I did not foresee either the enthusiasm, or the prosperity and resources, which distinguish the actual epoch of our history above all others; and which have given to our countrymen both the disposition and ability to adopt the present measure, without any probable inconvenience sufficient to counterbalance the advantages to be obtained.

suddenly and for the purposes of the present day. It is an opinion which I publicly avowed and made known in the last session of parliament. It then happened to me, and to others, in discussing the plan of the additional assessments, to state and admit its inequalities and imperfections (for they are not new discoveries).