dent of this country. True it is, that the parliament of that country was declared independent of this. It had what was supposed to be, sovereign power; it has the power of dictating to the executive authority upon the questions of war and peace, in the same controlling manner as the parliament of this country has: but what security is there that they will both agree upon all questions hereafter, in which the general interest of the British empire is involved? It is a difficult thing to suppose a case in which they may clash, and become perhaps as hostile to one another as any two independent bodies politic in Europe? I have no dif. ficulty in saying that such a case might possibly happen, nor do I think that much was gained by the declaration of the independence of that parliament, or ever will be gained to the British empire, until there is some security that both legislatures will go on harmoniously together upon all questions in which the general interests of the British empire are involved. Neither do I much admire the philosophy of that person who thinks he has completed a beautiful new fabric when be has only completed the destruction of an old one; who calls that destruction "the most stupendous fabric of human wisdom that ever was exhibited to the world." When I find such a man, after the act was passed which declared the independence of the Irish parliament, assenting to the principle of a resolution of a committee, stating that the connexion between the two countries should be established by mutual consent on a solid and permanent basis, and when I find that such a resolution was carried to the throne, as I have said already, and when I reflect that nothing was afterwards done upon that resolution to carry it into effect, I have the authority of that person and his friends, that what was done in declaring the parliament of Ireland independent, was defective in a point which is indispensable for the happiness of the people of Ireland, and indeed of both countries. I think then I may say that the onus is upon those who oppose the measure now before us to show its bad tendency, rather than upon us to show its probable good effect, for their own conduct proclaims the absolute necessity of something being done; it is incumbent upon all those who took a part in the discussion of that subject, and who approved of the measure

the childish measure of the independence

of the parliament of Ireland-without any security that the parliament of that coun try and of this would never differ essentially upon any point in which the happiness of the British empire may be involved, to show it, and upon the hon. gentleman who moved this amendment, as much as any one, for he took an active share in the parliamentary proceedings to which I have just alluded.

How stands the case in point of experience? Is there a probability, or is there not, that the parliaments of the two countries may differ upon a point that may be essentially interesting to the British empire? I say you have a guide upon that subject, You may profit by experience-I mean by the case of the regency. The hon. gentleman says that there was no difference between the two parliaments as to the regent. Why, no, Sir, there was no difference as to the person who was to be regent; but there was an essential difference as to the principle on which that person was to be regent: the Irish parlia ment decided on one principle, the English parliament on another, and their having agreed on the person was accidental; and upon the distinct principles on which the two parliaments proceeded, they might as well have differed upon the person who was to be, as on the powers to be granted to, the regent. Now let any man tell me that this is not an instance of an essential difference upon a point that was essential to the welfare of the British empire: and let any man show me what security there is that an essential difference upon some other object may not hereafter occur between the two parliaments. That they have not hitherto differed in the great and momentous events which have been agitated before parliament, is a good fortune which has arisen from one general cause, that of all descriptions of persons having united against one common enemy, with the exception only of a few, whose counsels, happily for both countries, and for the civilized part of the world, have lost all their influence. But will any man tell me, that such difference as was manifested in the time of the regency will never occur again? Will any man tell me, when we come to treat for peace, for instance, or to consider any subject of alliance with any foreign power, or upon any question of trade or commerce, that then the local prejudices, I say prejudices for they have great influence, may not occasion a dif

nance even to the consideration of this measure. Feeling, Sir, as I have already stated, that it is important, not only as it tends to the general prosperity of the empire of Great Britain, but (what, under every situation, must always be to me an object of the greatest moment); feeling that it was designed and calculated to increase the prosperity and ensure the safety of Ireland, I must have seen with the deepest regret, that, at the very first moment, and before the nature of the measure could be known, it was so received.

tion, should be of that opinion, I should propose that its determination should remain recorded as that by which the parliament of Great Britain is ready to abide, leaving to the legislature of Ireland to reject or to adopt it hereafter, upon a full consideration of the subject.

There is no man who will deny, that, in a great question of this nature, involving in it objects which, in the first instance, are more likely to be decided upon by passion than by judgment;-in a question in which an honest, but, I must be allowed to say, a mistaken sense of national pridė But whatever may have been my feel- is so likely to operate, much misconstrucings upon this subject, knowing that it is tion and misconception must inevitably the undoubted right of the legislature of happen. It therefore becomes the more Ireland to reject or to adopt such mea- necessary that the intentions of the gosures as may appear to them injurious or vernment which proposes the measure, beneficial, far be it from me to speak of and the principles of the measure itself, its determination in any other terms but should be distinctly understood. But, those of respect. Let it not, therefore, be Sir, in stating that intention and those imagined that I am inclined to press any principles, I look to something more than sentiment, however calculated it may ap- a mere vindication of government for havpear to me to benefit every member of the ing proposed the measure. I do enterempire, in any manner which may lead to tain a confidence, even under the appahostile discussion between two kingdoms, rent discouragement of the opinion exwhose mutual happiness and safety depend pressed by the Irish House of Commons, upon their being strictly and cordially that this measure is founded upon such united. But while I admit and respect clear, such demonstrable grounds of utithe rights of the parliament of Ireland, I lity, is so calculated to add to the strength feel that, as a member of the parliament of and power of the empire (in which the Great Britain, I also have a right to exer- safety of Ireland is included, and from cise, and a duty to perform. That duty which it never can be separated), and is is, to express, as distinctly as I can, the attended with so many advantages to Iregeneral nature and outline of the plan land in particular, that all that can be newhich, in my conscience, I think would cessary for its ultimate adoption is, that tend in the strongest manner to ensure it should be stated distinctly, tempethe safety and the happiness of both king-rately, and fully and, that it should be doms.

While I feel, therefore, that as long as the House of Commons of Ireland view the subject in the light they do at present, there is no chance of its adoption, I do not think that I ought on that account to abstain from submitting it to the consideration of this parliament; on the contrary, I think it only the more necessary to explain distinctly the principles of the measure, and to state the grounds upon which it appears to me to be entitled to the approbation of the legislature.

If parliament when it is in possession of the basis upon which this plan is founded, and of its general outline, should be of opinion with me, that it is founded upon fair, just, and equitable principles, calculated to produce mutual advantages to the two kingdoms-if parliament, I say, upon full explanation, and after mature delibera

left to the unprejudiced, the dispassionate, the sober judgment of the parliament of Ireland. I wish that those whose interests are involved in this measure, should have time for its consideration-I wish that time should be given to the landed, to the mercantile, and manufacturing interest, that they should look at it in all its bearings, and that they should coolly examine and sift the popular arguments by which it has been opposed, and that then they should give their deliberate and final judgment.

I am the more encouraged in this hope of the ultimate success of this measure, when I see, notwithstanding all the prejudices which it has excited, that barely more than one half of the members that attended the House of Commons were adverse to it; and that in the other House of parliament in Ireland, containing, as it

enemies, and by domestic traitors. The These circumstances, I am sure, will dissolution of this connexion is the great not be denied; and if upon other grounds object of the hostility of the common we had any doubt, these circumstances enemies of both countries; it is almost the alone ought to induce us, deliberately and only remaining hope with which they now dispassionately, to review the situation of continue the contest. Baffled and defeat- the two countries, and to endeavour to find ed as they have hitherto been, they still out a proper remedy for an evil, the existretain the hope, they are still meditating ence of which is but too apparent. It reattempts, to dissolve that connexion. In quires but a moment's reflexion, for any how many instances already the defeat of man who has marked the progress of their hostile designs has been turned to events, to decide upon the true state and the confirmation of our strength and se- character of this connexion. It is evicurity, I need not enumerate. God grant dently one which does not afford that sethat in this instance the same favour of curity which, even in times less dangerous Divine Providence, which has in so many and less critical than the present, would instances protected this empire, may again have been necessary, to enable the eminterpose in our favour, and that the at-pire to avail itself of its strength and its tempts of the enemy to separate the two resources. countries, may tend ultimately to knit them more closely together, to strengthen a connexion, the best pledge for the happiness of both, and so add to that power which forms the chief barrier to the civilized world, against the destructive principles, the dangerous projects, and the unexampled usurpation of France! This connexion has been attacked, not only by the avowed enemies of both countries, but by internal treason, acting in concert with the designs of the enemy-internal treason, which ingrafted Jacobinism on those diseases which necessarily grew out of the state and condition of Ireland.

When I last addressed the House on this subject, I stated that the settlement, which was made in 1782, so far from deserving the name of a final adjustment, was one that left the connexion between Great Britain and Ireland exposed to all the attacks of party, and all the effects of accident. That settlement consisted in the demolition of the system which before held the two countries together. Let me not be understood as expressing any regret at the termination of that system. I disapproved of it, because I thought it was one unworthy the liberality of Great Britain, and injurious to the interests of Ireland. But to call that a system in itself, to call that a glorious fabric of human wisdom, which is no more than the mere demolition of another system, is a perversion of terms, which, however prevalent of late, can only be the effect of gross misconception, or of great hypocrisy.

Thinking, then, as we all must think, that a close connexion with Ireland is essential to the interests of both countries, and seeing how much this connexion is attacked, let it not be insinuated that it is unnecessary, much less improper, at this arduous and important crisis, to see whether some new arrangements, some fun- We boast that we have done every thing, damental regulations, are not necessary, when we have merely destroyed all that to guard against the threatened danger. before existed, without substituting any The foreign and domestic enemies of these thing in its place. Such was the final adkingdoms have shown, that they think justment of 1782; and I can prove it to be this the vulnerable point in which we may so, not only from the plainest reasoning, be most successfully attacked: let us de- but I can prove it by the opinion exrive advantage, if we can, from the hosti- pressed by the British parliament at that lity of our enemies; let us profit by the very time. I can prove it by the opinion designs of those, who, if their conduct expressed by those very ministers by whom displays no true wisdom, at least possess it was proposed and conducted. I can in an eminent degree that species of wis- prove it by the opinion of that very godom, which is calculated for the promo-vernment who boast of having effected a tion of mischief. They know upon what footing that connexion rests at this moment between the two countries, and they feel the most ardent hope, that the two parliaments will be infatuated enough not to render their designs abortive, by fixing that connexion upon a more solid basis.

final adjustment. I refer for what I have said to proofs which they will find it very difficult to answer-I mean their own acts, which will plainly show that they were of opinion that a new system would be necessary.

But, Sir, I will go farther-I will also