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ticles now duty free; and that on other articles there shall be established, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate of equal duties as shall, previous to the union, be agreed upon and approved by the respective parliaments, subject, after the expiration of such limited time, to be diminished equally with respect to both kingdoms, but in no case to be increased; that all articles which may at any time hereafter be imported into Great Britain from foreign parts, shall be importable through either kingdom into the other, subject to the like duties and regulations as if the same were imported directly from foreign parts; that where any articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of either kingdom, are subject to any internal duty in one kingdom, such countervailing duties (over and above any duties on import to be fixed as aforesaid) shall be imposed, as shall be necessary to prevent any inequality in that respect; and that all other matters of trade and commerce other than the foregoing, and than such others as may before the union be specially agreed upon for the due encouragement of the agriculture and manufactures of the respective kingdoms, shall remain to be regulated from time to time by the united parlia

ment.

7. "That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose that the charge arising from the payment of the interest or sinking fund for the reduction of the principle of the debt incurred in either kingdom before the union, shall continue to be separately defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland respectively. That for a number of years to be limited, the future or dinary expenses of the united kingdom, in peace or war, shall he defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland jointly, according to such proportions as shall be established by the respective parliaments previous to the union; so limited, the proportions shall not be liable and that after the expiration of the time to be to be varied, except according to such rates aud principles as shall be in like manner agreed upon previous to the union.

8. "That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose that all laws in force at the time of the union, and that all the courts of civil or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respective kingdoms shall remain as now by law established within the same, subject only to such alterations or regulations from time to time as circumstances may appear to the parliament of the united kingdom to require.

9. "That the foregoing Resolutions be laid before his majesty, with an humble address assuring his majesty that we have proceeded with the utmost attention to the consideration of the important objects recommended to us în his majesty's gracious message:

"That we entertain a firm persuasion that 2 complete and entire union between Great Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal principles, on the similarity of laws, constitution, and government, and on a

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sense of mutual interests and affections, by promoting the security, wealth, and commerce, of the respective kingdoms, and by allaying the distractions which have unhap pily prevailed in Ireland, must afford fresh means of opposing at all times an effectual resistance to the destructive projects of our foreign and domestic enemies, and must tend to confirm and augment the stability, power, and resources of the empire.

"Impressed with these considerations, we feel it our duty humbly to lay before his majesty such propositions as appear to us best calculated to form the basis of such a settlement, leaving it to his majesty's wisdom, at such time and in such manner as his majesty, in his parental solicitude for the happiness of his people, shall judge fit, to communicate these propositions to his parliament of Ireland, with whom we shall be at all times ready to concur in all such measures as may be found most conducive to the accomplishment of this great and salutary work. And we trust that, after full and mature consideration, such a settlement may be framed and established, by the deliberate consent of the parliaments of both kingdoms, as may be conformable to the sentiments, wishes, and real interests of his majesty's faithful subjects of Great Britain and Ireland, and may unite them inseparably in the full enjoyment of the blessings of our free and invaluable constitution, in the support of the honour and dignity of his majesty's crown, and in the preservation and advancement of the welfare and prosperity of the whole British empire.”

Mr. Sheridan said:-Much, Sir, as I must admire, and 'much as I am sure the House is disposed to admire the very eloquent harangue just delivered by the right hon. tions of a nature so serious, and of a tengentleman, yet I must take the liberty of reminding them that there are some quesdency so eventful, that in attending to

the mode in which such measures are re. commended, they should be particularly suspicious of the eloquence that would surprise their approbation. Such is the nature of the question now under the consideration of the House, and in considering it they should doubtless be on their guard against the seductions of eloquence, and should listen only to the sober dictates of their cool and unbiassed judgment. That the situation in which we are now placed, is of that nice and perilous nature, I now assert, and last week I conjured the House not rashly and unseasonably to stir a ques tion which, whether it be considered as it regards Great Britain or Ireland, should not, during a crisis like the present, be incautiously brought under discussión. The right hon. gentleman and the House ap

the propositions then made might be necessary to prevent the commercial jealousies that subsisted between the two countries, from endangering a separation of that connexion which should indissolubly link them together. The right hon. gentleman himself was at the same time of the same opinion, and declared that he should look upon himself as a useless minister if he did not succeed in bringing it to bear. What is to be collected from this, but that both Mr. Foster and the right hon. gentleman sustained foolish opinions? for it turned out, that although the propositions did fail, the failure was not the means of introducing jealousies and suspicions between the two countries, nor of producing the resignation of the right hon. gentleman. If indeed he can show that the failure of the propositions has produced all those disasters which have since happened, all those scenes of distraction and rebellion which Ireland has since witnessed, then I admit the argument will be against Mr. Foster, but has he shown that to have been the case? Notwithstanding, however, all the right hon. gentleman's alarms lest these commercial jealousies should interrupt this connexion which he felt to be so essential, the question he is now so obstinately bent upon, has ever since been permitted to sleep. Mr. Foster, on that occasion, never touched on the subject of legislative independence; but he now contends that this independence is necessary to the commercial prosperity of Ireland. There is therefore no inconsistency in his present strain of argument, and consequently the whole of the objections urged against it by the right hon. gentleman must fall to the ground. But though the right hon. gentleman may not have succeeded in fixing the charge of inconsistency on Mr. Foster, the tendency of his speech has fully developed the system of corruption and intimidation by which the measure is to be carried. He says that the commercial advantages derived by Ireland from her connexion with this country, are necessary to her existence; and since, in the same breath, he adds, that to have those advantages continued to her, union is indispensable, the inference obviously is, that she must abandon all her commercial advantages, if she rejects the proffered alliance with Great Britain. Hence I contend that the people of Ireland cannot come with unbiassed minds to this discussion, and that a free choice is not left to

peared thento be of a different opinion; but now I think I may fairly venture, to say that excepting himself, and a few of his friends, there is no one who does not sincerely regret that this proposition has been started in the Irish parliament. But however they may lament it, the right hon. gentleman seems determined to follow up the pledge which he gave of persevering in his design, a pledge in which also he seems desirous to involve his friends; for he roundly tells them, that the measure he has now embarked in, is one that shall form the favourite object of his political life; a measure which no diminution of credit, no loss of popularity, no dereliction of friends and adherents, no clamour, tumult, or opposition from whatever quarter shall induce him to abandon; so essential does he deem it to the security and the happiness of the two countries. To counteract his pride and presumption, I feel it my duty to implore the House, not to risk that pledge which the right hon. gentleman so confidently calls for, either now or on any future day. It becomes the wisdom of parliament to interpose between the rashness of the right hon. gentleman and the adoption of a system which it would endeavour to enforce; a system which goes to promote discord and resentment, where union and affection should be conciliated and confirmed; a system which aims at sowing dissention between the Commons and the Irish House of Peers; a system which traduces the character of the Irish parliament, as incapable to retrieve the country from the calamities under which it labours, and so weak as to be continually the dupe and sport of every English faction; a system, in a word, which is now endeavouring to array the British House of Commons against that of the sister kingdom. I have minutely attended to the right hon. gentleman's speech, and during the greater part of it I was inclined to suppose, either that a stranger had got into the House, or that the right hon. gentleman must have imagined himself in the Irish House of Commons and warmly engaged in a reply to Mr. Foster. Whether he had or had not the best of the argument, I will not stop to examine; but this I am safe in affirming, that the whole of this argument is nothing to the purpose; its great object seemed to be, to convict Mr. Foster of inconsistency on account of the line of conduct adopted by that gentleman in 1785. Mr. Foster indeed agreed, that

Commons on the King's Message

the parliament of that country. He tells
us that Ireland ought to consent to a
union, because she is incapable of defend-
ing herself against her internal and exter-
nal enemies without the assistance of her
powerful neighbour-[Hear, hear!]-
Mr. Sheridan insisted that the inference
was irresistible-that unless she consented
to a union, Ireland was to be deprived of
all her commercial advantages. Is this
generous? is it fit to hold out such lan
guage to Ireland? is it wise to press
the discussion at this moment, and force
all Ireland loudly to ask, "Why have not
we had those advantages yielded to us, on
which, according to the opinion of the
British minister, our prosperity depends?
We must owe it to the injurious policy
of Great Britian, exercised in various acts
of restraint and privation these three hun-
dred years past, that we have been de-
prived of those advantages which God
and nature so eminently adapts our coun-
try to afford us." But, Sir, let his
majesty's ministers grant to Ireland those
advantages of which they boast: they
may be conceded to her without union;
they can be improved by her without ab-
jectly surrendering her independence.
Thus much with regard to her means of
acquiring distinction as a commercial na-
tion. And as to her power of defending
herself, does not the right hon. gentleman
know that her volunteers have defended
Ireland? And what they were equal to
during the American war, when the enemy
rode triumphant on their coasts, and in
our channel, surely they are at present
as capable of achieving in the zenith of
our envied naval superiority. It is a most
cruel taunt uttered in the face of the
whole people of Ireland, to say, that while
we have 40,000 British troops in the
heart of their country, we will awe them
by the presence of such a force; to re-
proach them with weakness, notwithstand
ing that we have had 200,000 of her best
inhabitants to support us inthe present war,
while 100,000 fighting men of their na-
tion have fallen in our battles in the West
Indies and elsewhere. What is this but
to say, "It is true you have assisted us;
but you are now naked; you are igno-
rant; you are uncivilized; you are weak;
and if you do not accept from us the be-
nefits we offer you, we will proceed to
confer them upon you by force. Let us
consider what the right hon. gentleman
says, when he tells us he will leave it to
the unbiassed judgment of the Irish people

the independent discretion of the Irish parliament finally to decide on the present question. Are the recent dismissals from office in that kingdom proofs of his settled purpose to leave it to that parliament to adopt or reject the measure? It is truly a mockery to tell the parliament this: parliament must see that what has been done in the case of individuals may be acted over again in the instance of the legislature; and that the same power which effected the dismissal of sir John Parnell, may be successfully employed to dissolve the parliament. Will gentlemen only reflect for a moment on the tendency of such proceedings? If in the parliament of the sister kingdom those measures are to be adopted, the same and a worse tyranny may be acted in our own. Sir, I am afraid the political creed of the adherents of the minister in Ireland has been adopted by his supporters in the British senate. I do sincerely believe, that if any one person who now supports ministers were to vote with me this night, he would be dismissed to-morrow from all his places. We are to reflect on these things, Sir, while we carry along our minds to that part of the right hon. gentleman's speech, where he peremptorily "I do think the measure good for says, Ireland and good for this country, but time shall be given to the people to examine it, time shall be given for their heats to subside, time shall be given to the parliament of the two countries fully and deliberately to discuss it." Now, Sir, what do these fine limbs of a sentence collectively mean? Why, that time is to be given for the operation of corruption, time to intimidate the people of Ireland, time for the peremptory dismissal of the opposers of the measures, time for the dissolution Nor was it the right hon. of parliament. I have heard them also gentleman alone who attempted to justify these measures.

justified by an hon. friend (Mr. Canning); and never did I hear any thing with more poignant regret; for what sensation but that of sorrow and regret could arise in my mind, when I heard that hon. friend plead the cause of bold and barefaced corruption, and thus cloud and contaminate with its foul fog and baneful breath the pure and early morning of his political life? Would he now tell us that the right hon. gentleman had given a determined pledge, and could not recede? Why did he? Who called upon him to speak? Was it to encourage his friends in Ireland

by a display of his resolution? But that was unavailing, as the discussion and decision took place there before that encouragement could reach them; but as to the charge of urging intimidation, neither the right hon. gentleman nor his hon. friend, who answered me on a former occasion, had thought proper to say a word. His hon. friend (Mr. Canning), from his parliamentary standing, could not, indeed, have taken any part in the violation of the compact in 1782; and therefore his right hon. friend, stepped generously forward and claimed all the shame, guilt, and treachery of it to himself. Like another Nisus he threw his broad shield over his beloved Euryalus to protect him from the vengeful resentment of the Irish nation, calling out to them" Me, me, I, am the man, wreak all your vengeance upon me-

"Me, me, adsum qui feci; in me convertite ferrum,

O Rutuli; mea fraus omnis; nihil iste, nec

ausus,

Nec potuit

My hon. friend's abilities might, however, prove that potuit; and as to his courage, he was satisfied the House had no reason to call in question. The generous ardour of the right hon. gentleman to protect his hon friend, was therefore only the impulse of affection. "Tantum infelicem nimium dilexit amicum." But the right hon. gentleman again repeats, that a union is the only remedy that can heal the evils that afflict Ireland, or that can secure the salvation of both countries: he must, therefore, persist in it, and call on parliament to assist him in the execution of the measure: he is willing, however, to wait for a more favourable opportunity, and until the Irish parliament is convinced of its necessity. And what is that opportunity he pretends to wait for? Is it not the day and hour when Ireland shall be in a greater degree of weakness? Does he wait until he can reproach her with her inability to defend herself, and threaten her with withdrawing those commercial favours she receives from England, and from which, he contends, are derived all the sources from which her prosperity arises? Alas! it is but too much in his power to create that moment! Mr. Sheridan then reminded the House of the shameful manner in which lord Fitzwilliam was recalled from Ireland at a moment when he was supposed to have been sent over to grant to the Roman Catholics the

rights and privileges which they claimed. The cup of concession was just presented to their lips, but instead of permitting them to taste of it, it was dashed in their faces. Was this the proof of a sincere desire to reconcile the Catholic body? We all agree, as to the necessity of a connexion between the two countries, and that nothing could be more fatal to either than that Ireland should be possessed by the French. Should we not then seriously consider how far the enforcing of this measure may tend to favour the invasion of Ireland? Mr. Sheridan then proceeded to vindicate Mr. Fox from the accusation of not having followed up the resolution of 1782. Mr. Fox remained but two months after in office, and therefore could give it no effect, but did the right hon. gentleman himself, when he came afterwards into power, attempt to bring forward the objections which he had this night so triumphantly urged? Had he not now been fifteen years a minister without ever endeavouring to do that which, from the first, he deemed to be indispensably necessary? He has also affirmed, that an equal proportion of the Irish House of Commons, a large majority of the Irish Peers, and an equally large proportion of the people out of doors, were friendly to the measure of a union; but if he would look of what that division against it in the Commons was composed, he would discover that it contained almost all the country gentlemen; while those who composed the other side of the question would be almost all found to be under the influence of the crown. Now as to the large proportion of the people out of doors, who are said to be favourable to it, where were they to be found. He knew of no places but Cork and Limerick that had expressed any thing like approbation of it. But was there not a lure thrown out to the former, that they should have a dock yard built? and, on the other hand, was not the liner trade menaced with being deprived of some of the means that tended to encourage it? Thus, to gain his ends, he held out a bribe to the South, and threw out a threat against the North. Some inducements are also held out to the Roman Catholics; a diminution of tithes, and an establishment for their clergy. But what prevents these promises from being now realised? If it be right to do it, ought it not to be done whether a union takes place or not, and ought not parliament to

be enabled, instead of holding out bribes and barter, to win by these concessions the affections and confidence of the Irish people? Another argument strongly urged in favour of the union, is the prosperity which Scotland is said to have enjoyed since it has been united with Eng. land. But might not Scotland have attained this increase of wealth and prosperity merely by the dint of her own industry? Besides, Scotland cannot well be compared with Ireland. In Scotland the gentlemen of property are fond to reside, and to encourage trade, &c.; in Ireland it is the reverse. It is also said, that two independent legislatures may seldom agree; and that from this want of concurrence and co-operation the most serious calamities may arise: as well say that two independent Houses of parliament may not co-operate; because the Lords, for example, may throw out a money bill sent from the Commons, or the Commons may refuse to concur in the amendments made by the Lords. The whole of these objections are completely refuted by experience; and to insist upon such objections, would be a libel on the constitution. French principles and Jacobinism were, as usual, introduced in the debate, and made the subject of splendid invective. But what was Jacobinism. Was it not Jacobinism that pretended to make other states more free, independent, and prosperous, than it found them? Was it not Jacobinism that called on other countries to resign their freedom, their independence, and their constitutions, with a promise to substitute something better in their place? If so, was not the right hon. gentleman, in proposing the present measure, acting the part of an arch-Jacobin? It is not my intention to oppose going into a committee, but I shall certainly object to your leaving the chair, for the purpose of moving two resolutions, which I shall, in case the propositions should be carried, wish to have placed before them, for the purpose of taking off, in some degree, that jealousy which the Irish parliament, I am afraid, will be apt to entertain of their passing this House, after the measure of union having been been so decidedly rejected in the House of Commons of Ireland. Mr. Sheridan then read the following Resolutions: "1. That no measures can have a tendency to improve and perpetuate the ties of amity and connexion now existing between Great Britain and Ireland, which

have not for their basis the manifest, fair, and free consent and approbation of the parliaments of the two countries. 2. That whoever shall endeavour to obtain the appearance of such consent and approbation in either country, by employing the influence of government, for the purposes of corruption or intimidation, is an enemy to his majesty and to the constitution."

Lord Hawkesbury said, there were several parts of the hon. gentleman's speech which had made such an impression on his mind, that he could not but request the patience of the House while he made a few observations upon them. He well remembered the conduct of the hon. gentleman, who now deprecated all discussion as likely to produce the most mischievous effects upon the sister kingdom, upon a former occasion. He could not forget his conduct last session upon the question of Ireland. He then had no such tenderness for the independency of the Irish legislature as he now so earnestly professed. There was then none of that delicacy of trenching upon the independent province of the Irish parliament, which now formed so leading an argument. But, perhaps, there was something different in the situation of the country, at this time, to what it then was. True, it was so. At that time there existed a most atrocious rebellion, which now, if not totally subdued, was at least quelled in great part. There was also a difference in the effect of the propositions. An inquiry was last year called for, of which no one could see the end; and if the House had consented to go into it, they had no means of carrying the result of it into effect. But now, when peace was restored, and tranquillity af forded a fit opportunity for discussion, the hon. gentleman thought the matter so very delicate, that he refused his assent to all consideration of the measure this day brought forward, in compliance with the recommendation contained in his majesty's message. The hon. gentleman had argued, that the measure was intended to be carried by intimidation; but if he had attended to the speech of his right hon. friend, he could not have used such an argument. In the very opening of it he had stated, that he hoped a full and dispassionate investigation would hereafter induce the people of Ireland to adopt it, from a conviction of the benefits attached to it. He had most positively denied all wish or desire to carry the measure by force; it was only upon consideration and

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