chancellor of the exchequer as an English-situation of Ireland loudly called for the man and a statesman, not to attempt to measure. Its separation from Great Britain introduce a hundred Irish members into was studiously laboured for by an enemy the British House of Commons; they who was even more formidable from the would only add to his (barring a joke) poison of the doctrines which he cirmuzzled majority. Never, so long as he culated than from the force or terror lived, would he patiently see the voice of of his arms; a poison which he had but 116 placemen prevail over the feelings and too well succeeded in diffusing through the opinions of three millions of the peo- the lowest ranks of the people of Ireple of Ireland. He must, therefore se- land. The measure had nothing in it riously warn the right hon. gentleman not to humble the pride or encroach upon to persevere in his plan: if he did, the day the interests and independence of Ireland, on which he should introduce his hundred it was not a measure dictated by a selfish Irish members into the British House of policy on the part of England, to subvert Commons he must look upon and lament the independence of the Irish nation or of as a fatal day to the independence and hap- the Irish legislature; but was an open, piness of both countries, and England, at fair, and liberal plan, concerted for the least, might hereafter say of itpurpose of improving and consolidating the interests of the two countries. It originated in a principle of the most active benevolence, and enlarged policy. It would, if effected, extinguish all religious feuds, and party animosities and distinc tions. Illa dies primus lethi primusque malorum Causa fuit. Mr. Bird said, that there was no equality of benefit in the plan, the advantages being all upon one side, and the sacrifices on the other. It would moreover affect the revenue, and especially the tax upon income. As to the resolutions of 1782, he certainly did look upon them as final with regard to Ireland; but though they were then so understood, he would not say that they precluded the measure of a union, though he well remembered the words of the secretary of lord Carlisle, now a noble lord (Auckland), who said upon that occasion that it would be as easy to make the river Thames flow up Highgate Hill, as that England should continue to legislate for Ireland. Indeed, unless the measure met with the cordial concurrence of the Irish parliament, he feared that instead of extinguishing the animosities and divisions which distracted Ireland, and for which it was proposed as a remedy, it would tend to inflame and perpetuate them. Lord Morpeth supported the measure of union as the only one that could correct the vices that were inherent in the Irish government a government which never evinced any symptom of a liberal and enlarged policy, and which, from its contracted views and operations, was the principal cause of all the miseries under which Ireland laboured. As to the adjustment in 1782, it ever appeared to him as relating principally to commercial objects, and, though it seemed to have for its object the independent connexion between the two countries yet it contained evident proofs of its own imperfection in the resolutions that followed. The present The Solicitor General said, that after what had fallen from those who had preceded him, he should not have thought it necessary to have risen, but for what had dropped from an hon. gentleman, who had, in his argument upon the competency of the Irish parliament, resorted to the sovereignty of the people. That doctrine had, he was aware, been lately propagated in those books which had deluged Europe; but the consequence of that principle was, that it led to anarchy and confusion. The principle upon which all governments stood, was this, that the people had delegated their power to the government, and that was the only organ by which their will could be known, or that they could do any thing by. He conceived, therefore, that as long as government continued to exist, it alone could act; and that any voice from the people, except as a voice of opinion, tended directly to subvert the power of government. If we resorted to practice, we should find that the parliament of England had frequently done, without blame, what the hon. gentleman had asserted they could not do they had associated to themselves members from the county Palatines, from Wales, Durham, Newcastle, Berwick, and other places. They had introduced 45 members upon the Union with Scotland, and if the hon. gentleman's principles were admitted, they were usurpers, and had no right to sit, to vote, or legislate in that House. If such 503] 39 GEORGE III. Debate in the Commons on the King's Message [504 therefore determined to form a general principles were admitted, the House could not alter the mode of election, vary the qualifications of electors, nor, in short do any thing which altered what had once been esteemed a constitutional point. Considering the nature of every government, they must possess the means of carrying into execution those measures, the expediency of which no man doubted. In the present case, setting aside the inter-out such an assembly they found they nal situation of Ireland, and considering could neither have justice nor security, nor only the relative situations of the two enjoy the advantages of common defence This was now done by wise kingdoms, the expediency of a union would and welfare. be manifest. What were their situations? and virtuous men, after mature deliberaThey formed one empire; their language tion and free debates, which were carried manners, and habits were the same; they on with the greatest latitude of argument. were one people under one sovereign, It was also recommended by that great having two localities! and from that cir-man general Washington, to give the cumstance alone, forming almost two power of war and peace, treaty and allistates united by one common head, hav-ance, to some imperial legislative body, ing, it was true, many bonds of connexion. and it was carried into effect by their feIt was well said in the other country, deral union. It was, however, felt in Amethat the empire, in its present state, re- rica that enough was not yet done; for it sembled a monster having two bodies, was found by experience, that although united under one head. In all the various the general legislative power for the emgovernments which had existed in dif- pire vested in congress, yet the power of ferent periods of the world, there was not internal regulation, which vested in the a similar example in history, unless the states, enabled any one of them to thwart case of Scotland was to be considered such the general plans if they were so disposed from the accession of James to the Union. Yet even this much did not exist beThe question therefore was, could it re-tween Great Britain and Ireland. main so without a danger of separation and dissolution? If we looked into the writers upon government, we should find that in all the complicated forms of government which the mind had suggested to them, such a state had never entered into their contemplation. In those states which those writers had called compounded states, as a necessary consequence, they always supposed that there must be a suWhere preme legislature for the whole. several such states were united under one prince, and his will was law, they were then held together by his power, as he legislated for the whole of them. Invariably did such writers suppose an imperial legislation, for the whole of the empire in The empire those compounded states. was considered as a moral body, actuated, influenced, and governed by one spirit and will. If, however, as in the case of Ireland and England, it was governed by two spirits, it might chance not to preserve a unity of will, but diversity and discord on the contrary might take place. What was the case of the thirteen states of America? After the war they founded a federal union. This they soon found to be incompetent to the purposes of union, they Not even that power, insufficient as it was especially from the northern parts of Scotland.-He had hitherto considered the question as to general principles, leaving it to be supposed that Ireland was well governed, and that there was nothing peculiar in the state of that country requiring any immediate remedy. If the measure could be shown to be so wise and desirable on those general grounds, how much more desirable would it appear when the actual state of that country was taken into the scale of examination! Those who wished to overturn that government had said of it, with some degree of truth, that it was provincial and not national-that it did not resemble the English government partially, or with difficulty, or even not at | Ireland was separated from us by the sea: all. Nor would it stop here: it was a this he did not think an argument of much possible case that they might enact differ-weight-It was as accessible as Scotland, ent regulations, and in points where the interests of the empire were materially concerned, the policy of this country might be defeated. Did not this alone show the necessity for some farther connexion between the countries, and for instituting some legislative unity of will? He had heard of the final adjustment of 1782, but those who insisted upon its being such, did not pay a very high compliment to the ministers of that day. One of them, not in the habit of attending that House, though a member, had himself told them, that he thought it necessary that something more should be done, and the measure of 1782 itself showed the necessity of some farther adjustment. If the subject was that national objects were not pursued, therefore viewed as to the relative situation but that the whole was conducted by a of the two countries; as to the nature and cabal. There was truth in the statement, principles of government in general; as to and Ireland must be governed so while she the measure of 1782; as to the conse- remained in her present situation. The quences probable to result from two inde- government now were afraid of the physical pendent, perhaps discordant legislatures: force of the country being turned against -in all these points of view it fully proved them. The large majority of the people the necessity of some measure of closer were of different religions, though the bulk union, to form a uniform bill, and general of the property lay the other way. If legislation for imperial concerns. That they were admitted into the legislation, being therefore so necessary, the conse- the consequence would be, that having quence must be either to form a new im- power, they would soon make property perial legislation, or to incorporate by a change hands; for to give men power and union with each other. The former mea- to suppose they would respect property, sure he thought would be attended with themselves having none, was to expect a great inconveniences and difficulties, not degree of virtue which man did not pos less perhaps than would arise from things sess. He did not mean to blame the perremaining as they were, and it would not sons in government there; situated as they remove one part of the difficulty which was were, they could not act otherwise. But now felt by America, of a want of sufficient how did this arise? It was not to be disunity among the distinct members of the sembled: Ireland knew her own historystate, and when an internal government he did not wish to speak harshly, but, in could at any time act so as to hazard a truth, Ireland must be considered as a dissolution of the union.-If, therefore, conquered country. The English settlers there was nothing to be apprehended on first kept possession by force, and they the part of Ireland that they would be sub- formed the distinction between them and jected to harsh and severe terms, it must the natives. Afterwards the reformation be a measure highly advantageous for came, and split them into religious sects. their interest, they having nothing more The Protestants had gained, and, by the to do than to stipulate that they shall be assistance of England had hitherto mainadmitted to all the privileges of subjects tained the ascendancy. Under such cirof the same empire, and to secure an cumstances, Ireland was not, and could not equal treatment for themselves with the be a well-governed kingdom. It was imrest of the kingdom. On that head he possible for their government to act otherwould venture to quote the case of Scot-wise than they did. Upon these several land as decisive: she had never been treated with partiality, but had received the protection of the empire equally with any other part of it. He had heard it said that there were physical objections-that considerations, therefore, he most clearly was convinced, that the measure proposed was the only remedy which could remove the evils that afflicted Ireland. Colonel Mark Wood said :-Feeling as I do that the business now under considera--| tion is not only of the first importance to Great Britain and Ireland, but that its consequences must ultimately affect the interests of every part of the globe, I should not think that I had faithfully discharged my duty, did I not endeavour to show upon what principles I have been induced to give it my unqualified support. The first and most material consideration which offers itself appears to be how far the legislative union of Great Britain and Ireland is necessary, and whether or not the security, prosperity, and existence of the two countries, is likely to be accomplished by any other measure, or by supporting as at present, two independent parliaments. The very able and clear historical account which you, Sir, gave us of the disorders that have subsisted in Ireland for upwards of two centuries past, but particularly since the period of the rebellion of my lord Mountjoye till the present day, are irrefragable proofs that a sufficient remedy has not yet been applied, and that whilst Great Britain, and many other parts of Europe, particularly Russia, have been making rapid strides, not merely towards civilization, but in the acquirement of every art and improvement which can adorn the human mind, the greatest and the richest parts of Ireland have continued in almost the same state of rude and uncivilized barbarism which they were in at that remote period. Is this to be attributed to any natural defect in the inhabitants of that country; or to what other cause is justly to be ascribed this extraordinary effect? You have already, Sir, so clearly resolved this question by calling to the attention of the House the many distinguished characters from that country, whether in literature, eloquence, or arms, that no farther illustration is necessary to convince us, that the cause of those deplorable disorders which have rendered that country, to which nature has been so bountiful, the horror and commiseration of other nations, is solely to be attributed to some radical defect of the government of that country, and that till such time as the cause can be removed, the effect must necessarily be the same. That the religious differences have had a considerable effect in perpetuating and keeping alive those unhappy distinctions between the inhabitants of the same country, both professing the same religion of christianity, although differing in the forms of worship, is but too true; and that although the Catholics outnumber the Protestants, at least four to one, yet that not only the greater part of the property, but government, is solely vested in the smaller number, and the Catholics have thereby been excluded from every sort of political consequence or power, may have kept up that degree of hatred and animosity which has so frequently broken out in acts of the greatest cruelty and atrocity, I do not believe can well be denied. But when I say that religious distinctions have been heretofore one of the chief causes of those dreadful disorders and murders committed in Ireland, I except from this general cause the late atrocious rebellion, in which both Catholic and Protestant appear to have buried their religious differences, to conspire against the connexion of Ireland and England, upon true Jacobinical principles, for the overthrow of every religious as well as political institution, and for the division and plunder of property. Could there exist any doubt in regard to the extensive traitorous conspiracy against the government, religion, and property of both countries, and that the leading feature of this conspiracy was, the total separation of Great Britain and Ireland, let him refer to the confessions of the principal traitors themselves, who have distinctly avowed, that Catholic emancipation and parliamentary reform were merely the cloak to cover their traitorous conspiracy against the government and connexion of the two countries. The trials at Maidstone, to which allusion was made the other night by an hon. gentleman, and the evidences given upon that occasion, have been to me a convincing proof, how very dangerous it is for men to connect themselves in political bonds, which have not for their basis the prosperity and advantage of their country; and how easy it is for men of the first talents and fortune to be led on beyond the bounds of prudence, to risk not only fortune but character in a desperate cause.-But, Sir, to revert more immediately to the subject- from the late unnatural union and connexion of Protestant and Catholic for the destruction of their country, I am rather inclined to doubt the reasonings of many respectable gentlemen, who would impute those disorders chiefly to the bigotry of the Catholics; some of whom confidently asserted, that the bigotry and ignorance of the Catholics was the same at prescut as it had been for centuries ago, and seemed to 1 urge that strongly as a reason against the incompetency of a legislative union with such people in such a state. I say, Sir, I doubt much the fact asserted by an hon. gentleman, and would rather conclude, that the new philosophy of the French school had insinuated itself throughout the 'Irish as well as French Catholics, preparatory to sweeping away all religious as well as political distinctions, and to the introduction of that favourite theory of equality, the impracticability of which the French themselves have been the very first to demonstrate.-Under those circumstances, therefore, if I am right in my conclusion, the remedy which that hon. gentleman has proposed to apply, of re-enacting the penal laws against the Catholics, would, I fear, be attended with no good, but much evil, by keeping alive religious distinctions, which ought to be buried in oblivion, and which, under a good government, must of themselves gradually die away.-As many gentlemen have urged strongly the growing pros perity of Ireland since the year 1782, at the time when the parliament of Great Britain renounced every right of legislating for that country, and argued as if its increase in population, industry, commerce, and manufacture, were chiefly to be attributed to her having received at that period an independent resident legislature, let us consider how much or how little of that prosperity can justly be ascribed to that event; and in the consideration of which, it surely is no inconsiderable part of our subject, how far since that time Ireland has enjoyed those blessings attendant on so much internal improvement and prosperity. Since the year 1782, the increase of prosperity to every part of Great Britain, nay, to almost every part of the British dominions, has been equally conspicuous; and would it not be more reasonable to infer, that the prosperity of Ireland has arisen from the liberal and wise commercial advantages which Great Britain from that period conceded to the Irish, and which they still continue to enjoy? The chancellor of the exchequer has informed us, that in one article only (the linen manufacture), the restraining duties which the parliament of this country has laid upon the importation of this single article, amounts to upwards of 700,000l. annually; and exclusive of this sacrifice for the prosperity of the sister country, the laying open the trade to our colonies, as well as the other great demands made by Britain for the produce of the lands, may surely, without going any farther, satisfactorily account for the increase of their prosperity and population.-But with this increase of wealth, those gentlemen have entirely omitted to inform us how far, since the year 1782, this prosperity has brought with it to the people of Ireland that degree of tranquillity, civilization, and comfort, which is the sure test of the people having been wisely governed. It is, Sir, a melancholy truth, that no such blessings have been produced; that, on the contrary, the disorders of that unhappy country have risen to the greatest excesses. I ask those zealous advocates for parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation, and who still dwell upon that topic, notwithstanding the repeated confessions of the traitors themselves, that they had no such object in view, why they should, with such undoubted autho rity before them, wish to precede those traitors in their chief work, of destroying and levelling all sorts of religious establishments, as the surest means of accomplishing the remainder of their diabolical and wicked designs? For religious toleration and indulgence on every occasion, where such indulgences do not militate against the safety of the state, no person can be a greater advocate than I am; and if in any instance the established religion bears hard upon the rights and properties of the industrious part of the community, it surely would be just and wise, that on every such occasion the legislature of the country should adopt measures for effectual relief. The tithes in Ireland are a most severe exaction and check upon industry. I by no means impute to the established clergy those well-founded griev ances and complaint; on the contrary, it proceeds from the original defect of the church establishment. So much for Catholic emancipation, and by which I think it must be apparent, that unless by this is meant a total subversion of the constitution, it cannot convey any adequate idea of what is meant by the word. Emancipation from every grievance I am a zealous advocate for, and that their clergy should have, upon certain conditions, a respectable provision made for them; but if by emancipation be meant the pulling down of our own religious establishments to give way for another, I shall be as determined an opposer of measures having any such tendency.-From what I have stated, 1 |