good subjects, to punish the bad. Some distinction should be made between those of the Catholics who had defended the government during the late crisis, and those who had not: the latter ought not to be allowed the indulgences granted in 1782; the former in proportion to their good behaviour ought to be admitted to the privileges enjoyed by the Protestants. There were many obstacles to a union in the relative situation of the two countries: it would be difficult to arrange a commercial intercourse, and to regulate the proportion of debt and taxes. He did not see too, how local matters, cabals, election deputies, &c. could be so well adjusted here as in a local parliament. He repeated, that the state of Ireland was not such as we could incorporate with. As to the great mass of the population, the country must be retained as a conquered country; nor was the union calculated to remedy the causes from which this necessity arose. He did not think the tie between the two countries so frail as to require this measure to render the connexion permanent.

think it must be obvious, that neither the cessary to grant farther immunities to the present nor any former government in Catholics, the parliament of Ireland was Ireland, is or has been adequate to give competent to do it; but he thought they to the people of that country the degree had granted indulgencies to the Catholics of tranquillity, civilization, and improve- at a time when the latter were not fitted ment, not only essential for their own to receive them. This was not the time comfort and happiness, but to enable to make a general relaxation of the Popery them to avail themselves of those number-laws. It was due from a government to less advantages which nature has so profusely bestowed on them. If, therefore, we be satisfied that the two separate legislative parliaments, so far from forming at present any bond of union to the two countries, is the most vulnerable point, can there be a more powerful argument to induce us, by every wise and prudent measure, to remedy those glaring defects in the separation of the legislatures of two countries, doomed by nature to rise and fall together, and who are already united in affection, language, and habits?-But, Sir, it has been asked, and very properly, in what manner gentlemen expect that a legislative union is likely to have this wonderful effect of removing all those disorders to which Ireland has been so long a victim, and of communicating to her a participation of those blessings which this happy country possesses? I do not say that a union will be accompanied with those immediate good consequences which is here expected; on the contrary, the changes to be effected upon the dispositions, habits, and prejudices of the people of Ireland, must be a work of time; but the opening of English markets upon a fair arrangement for all sorts of Irish produce and manufactures, the great influx of English capital, which must promote not only the improvement of the soil, in the various operations of husbandry, but in manufactures and commerce, must in evitably produce riches, comforts, and tranquillity to that unhappy country, and that by rapid means.

Lord Belgrave said, he could admit that many of the evils lamented by his hon. friend existed in all their force, to disorganize and to destroy Ireland; but it was because those evils did exist, that he. wished for a legislative union; that being the only means of saving Ireland. The settlement of 1782 was final for no other purpose but to stop the course of national prosperity had the Irish accepted the commercial propositions, the nation would, by this time, have greatly benefited by the operation of the immunities they afforded.

The question being put, "That the said report be now brought up," the House divided:

Mr. Bankes said, that Ireland was not in a state in which we could incorporate with her. Even if her parliament were favourable to the measure, it would not reconcile him to its policy. The remedy was not suited to the circumstances of Ireland. The government, the parliament, and a great part of the property of Ireland were firmly attached to this country; the mass of the population was unfortunately animated by different sentiments. The lower classes of the Catholics entertained a hostile mind against this country: nor did he see at all how this plan tended to give us security. If it was thought ne- Bankes, Henry

YEAS

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Tellers.

The Earl Temple
Mr. Ryder

J Mr. Hobhouse

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Mr. Wilberforce Bird
List of the Minority.

Denison, W. J.

agreed upon previous to the union, for the purpose of establishing gradually a uniform system of taxation through every part of the united kingdom:

8. "That for the same purpose it would be fit to propose that all laws in force at the time of the union, and all the courts of civil or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respective kingdoms shall remain as now by law established within the same, subject only to such alterations or regulations from time to time as circumstances may appear to the parliament of the united kingdom to require."

The above Resolutions being communicated to the Lords at a conference, were, on the 18th, read by the clerk at the table, and ordered to be printed, and to be taken into consideration on that day se'nnight.

Petition of Colonel Despard.] Feb. 25. Mr. Courtenay presented a petition from Edward Marcus Despard; setting forth, "That since the 22nd of April last, the petitioner has been confined close prisoner in the House of Correction, Cold-bathfields, under a warrant from his grace the duke of Portland: that, until the 25th of November last, the petitioner was confined in a damp cell, not seven feet square: that said cell had no article of furniture, except a bed, laid on some oaken planks, fastened to the wall: that, during the first six weeks of his imprisonment, the petitioner had no allowance but bread and water and the petitioner further begs leave humbly to state that he never has been allowed to set his foot in the garden of said prison, though his health has been materially injured by his confinement: and the petitioner humbly begs leave to state to the House, that he verily believes it to be an unusual thing, in this country, to confine a state prisoner to a penitentiary house, however proper it may be for convicted persons or vagrants: and the petitioner humbly begs leave further to state, that the hon. Val. Lawless, John Reeves, esq. and John Jackson, esq. can give evidence of the facts mentioned in this petition: and the petitioner humbly begs leave farther to state, that the affairs of his family are entirely ruined by his long confinement: the petitioner therefore humbly prays to be examined, at the bar of the House, touching the matters aforesaid; and that the House will be pleased to take his case into consideration, and afford such relief, as to the House in its wisdom shall seem meet."

Ordered to lie upon the table.

Mr. Abbot's Motion for a Committee on the Expiring Laws.] March 1. Mr. Abbot, in rising to move for the appointment of the annual committee on expired and expiring laws, said, that he wished to take this opportunity of submitting to the House the propriety of some special directions, which it might be fit for the committee to observe in the course of its proceedings, for the purpose of attaining more effectually the objects for which it was to be appointed:-It appeared to have been the usage of parliament in former times, and more especially within the present century, in making new laws upon matters of a novel nature or of doubtful policy, to limit them in the first instance to some short period of duration, in order that those laws might of necessity come back for re-consideration after some experience of their effects. This practice was in itself wise and beneficial; but it had also led to a multiplicity and accumulation of laws which was scarcely to be conceived by those who had not adverted to the subject; for not only in progress of time new circumstances had called for new laws of a temporary sort; but the former also, which ought, after a reasonable experience, to have been finally rejected or made perpetual, have continued to swell the mass, till we have found at present nearly 200 temporary acts of parliament passed within the present century, and still in force as such, -continued in some instances by not less than fourteen or fifteen successive renewals, and producing a farther series of subsidiary acts, which added to the former, amounted nearly to 600-all of them falling within this general description. Out of this multiplicity many evils had resulted; and besides the general risk which this confusion must bring upon those who were to advise, and those who were to act upon that advice in the daily occurrences of life, several of the most important interests of the country, as they affected the safety of the state, or the rights of individuals, had been occasionally put into the greatest jeopardy, and some of them had actually suffered irreparable injury. Thus, the power of the crown to summon parliament, and call out the militia upon any sudden occurrence of rebellion or invasion, a power happily created in the present reign, and which in 1794 was found to be of the utmost constitutional importance, was accidentally suffered to expire at the end of the term for which it was first enacted, and the country, for an

The motion was agreed to, and a com

The King's Message respecting the Princes Edward and Ernest Augustus, and the Princess Amelia.] March 1. Mr. Pitt presented the following Message from his Majesty:

"GEORGE R.

interval of some years, was deprived of tute law. He then moved, "That a comthis valuable safeguard and protection.mittee be appointed to inquire, what pubThe trading interests which are deeply lic general laws have expired within twelve concerned in the laws of bankruptcy and months preceding the commencement of insolvency have repeatedly suffered by the the present session of parliament, and also expiration of acts of this nature, as the what laws are about to expire within courts of Westminster-hall well know by twelve months subsequent to the comthe long litigations which have arisen out mencement of the present session, or in of those interruptions of the system; and the course of the next session, or at the even the principal statute of the whole end thereof: and to report the same from bankrupt's code was within a few days, or time to time to the House, with their rather a few hours, of its termination at opinion which of them are fit to be revived, the close of the last parliament, when al- continued, or made perpetual." most by accident it was taken up, and the current of law upon these subjects pre-mittee appointed. served its former channel.-Mischiefs of the same nature, but of still more serious consequences, had affected even the administration of criminal justice. In some cases this confusion and uncertainty had thrown impediments in the way of prosecutions for state offences; and in other cases, criminal convicts have been made to undergo severities in the execution of their sentences upon the supposed authority of laws which in fact had long ceased to have any existence. It was hardly necessary to ask the House whether these things were fit so to remain-or whether being apprized of these evils, it did not become the duty of the House to guard against them effectually, and prevent their recurrence in future. The remedy at the same time was obvious, and its effects would be complete,-if the House, in appointing this annual committee, would always direct it to report a statement of all the public general laws whatever which had actually expired, or were about to expire within fixed and reasonable limits of time, taken retrospectively as well as prospectively; and comprehending, not only those which were running out in the course of the actual session, but those also which might terminate in the course of the ensuing session; for the sake of bringing into notice such even as were approaching to their end, and the renewal of which might require previous investigation and research, as had recently been found to be necessary in the instances of the distilleries, fisheries, &c. The committee should also be required to report a distinct opinion upon the expediency of reviving, continuing, or making perpetual each of those acts respectively. By resuming this course of proceeding in every session, the House would gradually advance towards a great and general improvement in the whole system of the sta

"His majesty being desirous of making competent provisions for the honourable support and maintenance of his dearly be loved sons, prince Edward and prince Ernest Augustus, which the monies applicable to the purposes of his majesty's civil government would be insufficient to defray; and being also desirous of being able to extend to his beloved daughter the princess Amelia, the provision which he has been enabled to make out of the hereditary revenue for the other branches of his royal family; desires the assistance of parliament for this purpose; and his majesty relies on the affection of his faithful Commons that they will make such provision as the circumstances of the case may appear to require. G. R.'

Debate on Mr. Wilberforce's Motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade.] March 1. Mr. Wilberforce said, he had so often called the attention of the House to this subject, that he should think it would be putting both himself and the House to a great deal of unnecessary trouble if he were to repeat all the arguments he had used upon former occasions. It was just twelve years since he first pointed out to the House the evils that attached to the African Slave trade. At that time he was listened to with attention, and the House seemed to be impressed with a sense of the injustice of that odious traffic; but, if he was listened to with attentionif the topic was found interesting, he was much afraid that it was owing to the novelty of the discussion Such, indeed,

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was the only inference that could be drawn as standing in a situation much more from the result of the various discussions backward with regard to the attainment which had taken place in that House, not- of the object he had in view, than on the withstanding all the facts that had been day when he first proposed it to the brought forward, all the proofs which the House. He considered it as most blamefriends of the abolition had adduced, after able for the House to depart from the days, months, nay years, of patient and resolution they had adopted to give up laborious investigation. Facts, indeed, the abolition of slavery, which was their had been brought forward, the truth of own business, and to put it into the hands which no obstinacy could resist, and in of the West Indian colonial assemblies. 1791 the House was at last shaken from It was almost impossible that the conse its attachment to this traffic; but it was quences could have been any other than with the members of that House as with what they had been. Some gentlemen, it most other persons-when such terrible appeared, had been duped into an acqui. things were mentioned, they could scarcely escence in the measure, which induced Sur- the House to depart from their resolution: believe their own eyes and ears. prised that such practices existed, there they had been induced to think, that the was then no difference of opinion as to colonial assemblies would bring about all the great question of at last completely the change that could be advantageously abolishing the trade. Whatever difference operated in the condition of the blacks: of opinion had prevailed in the House res- but if some gentlemen had been duped, those pecting the time most proper for the abo- had not who had declared that every acre lition to take place, there certainly was of land uncultivated in our West India then but one opinion, with the exception islands should be brought into cultivation of three or four persons, as to the justice before the importation of slaves from and necessity of the measure. Those who Africa was put an end to. It was, howopposed an immediate abolition allowed ever, allowed on all hands, that the that it ought to be carried into effect as slaves ought to be well treated; and it soon as it could be rendered compatible was conceived that the regulations drawn up with the interest of the West India pro- by the colonial assemblies would answer prietors, that was, as soon as the number this end. He should just remind the of slaves necessary for keeping up the House of the arguments he had so frestock then in the Islands should be imported. quently used upon this subject. The The number then mentioned as necessary principles he had laid down were fixed for this purpose was as much beneath the and unalterable; they belonged to human number which had since been imported, nature, and it was impossible to be deas the period to which the trade had ex- ceived in reasoning upon them. He tended exceeded that which its warmest had observed, that the colonial assemblies friends would at that time have assigned neither could nor would abolish the slave to it. The traffic was to have been put an trade. The means, therefore, which was end to in the year 1796. That period now employed was not proportionate to arrived, and what was done? The House the end. Was it to be supposed, that the had thought better, not of their former West India gentlemen would act as spies reasoning on the subject, not of the truth, upon the conduct of each other; that not of the facts of the case, for these re- they would make minute inquiries, inta mained the same; but they had thought the mode in which negroes not their own better of their own resolution; they had were clothed or fed, and pry into all the thought better of the interest of the West domestic management of their neighIndia traders, and had departed from the bours? It was evident that until the resolution to which they were solemnly whole of the land should be cultivated in these islands, the proprietors would be pledged. hostile to the abolition. They persevered in importing slaves from Africa, and this not so much to replace those who died, as for the purpose of forming new colonies in districts formerly uncultivated, The idea of delaying the abolition until the whole of our colonies should be cul, tivated was one of the most extravagant In 1788 there were only ever suggested.

In such a situation he could not be expected to entertain great hopes of success from the motion he intended to make. In nearly the fourth year after the period allotted for the abolition, he saw less appearance of that event being brought about by the House than at any time previous to their passing the resolution he had alluded to. He now felt himself