14. No member shall have a certificate but by applying to the committee, who shall not grant it, unless the member is leaving his place of residence, which certificate shall be lodged with the secretary on his return. 15. When this society shall amount to the number of thirty-six members, it shall be equally divided by lot; that is, the names of all the members shall be put into a hat or box; the secretary or treasurer shall draw out eighteen individually, which eighteen shall be considered the senior society, and the remaining eighteen the junior, who shall apply to the baronial committee, through the delegates of the senior society, for a number, and that this division shall take place only in the months of October, January, April, and July. The fund shall also be equally divided. 16. That no society shall be recognized by any committee, unless approving of, and taking the test, and amounting in number to seven members. Order of Business at Meetings.-1st. New members read declaration and test, during which subscriptions to be collected. 2nd. New members take the test, all members standing and uncovered. 3rd. Minutes of preceding meeting read. 4th. Reports of committees received. 5th. Communications called for. 6th. Candidates ballotted for. 7th. Candidates proposed. 8th. Motions made and determined. 9th. Place and time of next meeting appointed. Constitution of Committees, as adopted the 10th of May. Baronial Committees.-1.When any barony or other district shall contain three or more societies, three persons from each shall be elected by ballot, conformable to the sixth article, to form a baronial committee (for three months); their names to be returned to the secretary of the senior society, who shall request a deputation from the nearest baronial committee to constitute a committee for the said barony or other district. 2. When any barony or district shall contain eight societies, they may form another committee, to be called the second committee of said barony or district, provided each contain three or more societies. 3. Baronial committees shall receive delegates from societies of a contiguous barony, provided said barony do not contain three societies. 4. That the haronial committee shall correspond with societies or individuals who have subscribed the declaration, and taken the test of the present associated societies. 5. That all questions shall be determined by a majority of the members present. 6. That the baronial committee being regularly summoned, the one-third of its members shall be deemed a quorum, and capable of proceeding to business. 7. That any business originating in any individual society, shall, at the instance of such society's delegates, be by the baronial committee laid before the other societies. County Committees.-1. When any county shall contain three or more baronial committees, two persons shall be elected by ballot from each baronial committee to form a county 2. County committee (for three months.) committees shall receive delegates from baronial committees of adjacent counties, if said counties do not contain three baronial committees. Provincial Committees.-1. When two or more counties shall have county committees, three persons shall be elected by ballot from each, to form a provincial committee (for 2. Delegates from county three months.) committees in other provinces will be received, if such province do not contain two county committees. National Committee. That when two provincial committees are formed, they shall elect five persons from each, by ballot, to form a national committee. Societies first meetings in November, February, May, and August, to be on or before the 5th. Baronial committees on or before the 8th. County committees on or before the 25th of the above months. Baronial, county, and provincial committees, shall meet at least once in every month, and report to their constituents. Names of committee men should not be known by any person but by those who elect them. Test for Secretaries of Societies or Committees. "In the awful presence of God, I, A.B. do voluntarily declare, that, as long as I shall hold the office of secretary to this I will, to the utmost of my power, faithfully discharge the duties thereof; that all papers or documents received by me, as secretary, I will in safety keep; I will not give any of them, or any copy or copies of them, to any person or persons, members or others, but by a vote of this and that I will, at the expiration of my secretaryship, deliver up to this all such papers as may be then in my possession." world, that we will never desist till we procure this our national right, the want of which is probably the source of all our national grievances. Impressed with these sentiments, we have collectively and individually agreed to form an association, to be called The United Scotsmen; and we do pledge ourselves to our country, and mutually to each other, to carry into effect, by all just means, the following Resolution:-An equal representation of all the people in parliament. Constitution.-1. This society is constituted for the purpose of forwarding a brotherhood of affection, a communion of rights, and a union of power, among Britons of every description, for the purpose of obtaining a complete reform in the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and religious liberty. 2. The members of this society shall not be confined to any description of men, but extended to all persons who may be deemed eligible. 3. Every candidate for admission into this society shall be proposed by one member, and seconded by another; both of whom shall vouch for his character and principles, and be ballotted for, before he can be admitted a member. 4. Each member shall pay not less than sixpence on entering the society; and not less than threepence per month during his continuance in the said society. 5. The one-half of the income to be paid into the hands of the secret committee, the other half to defray expenses of delegates attending their duty in different committees. 6. The officers of this society shall be, a secretary and treasurer, who shall be chosen by ballot, and continue in office two months. 7. No member shall App. (No. 15.)-Resolutions and Constitution of the Society of United Scotsmen. In the present age, when knowledge is making rapid strides among mankind, and neighbouring nations have been under the necessity of meliorating their condition, owing to the stubbornness and perfidy of the governments under which they lived, by despising and rejecting the reiterated and just calls of the people for reform; it becomes us, as friends to peace and good order, at the present awful crisis, when we are engaged in an unprecedented bloody and expensive war, to investigate with calmness and deliberation into the system of our own government, on purpose to discover its errors and defects; so that whatever abuses may exist, they may be rectified by a timely reform, and the like calamities which have befallen a neighbouring nation may be prevented.-Conscious of the rectitude of our association and intentions, and regardless of the threats of the venal and interested, we will inquire into our grievances with a determined an manly freedom, knowing that we have no other object in view, but the peace and happiness of our native country. Possessing such ideas, we cannot but exclaim with astonishment, What a multitude of ages have mankind been kept in complete ignorance with respect to their natural rights! Rights of which no association of men have a power to deprive them, whatever foolish titles they may assume. Was the human race created with reasoning faculties by the Supreme Being, for no other purpose than to be possessed and made tools by corrupt governments, for the destruction of their own species? No. It was for a more noble end.-speak more than twice to one question, withWe disdain the principles of corrupt courtiers and their satellites, who propagate such nefarious doctrine. Mankind are naturally friends to each other; and it is only the corruptions and abuses in governments that make them enemies.-We profess ourselves friends to mankind, of whatever nation or religion. National and party distinctions have been created and supported by tyrannic men, on purpose to maintain their unjust usurpations over the people. We will ask any unprejudiced person, if the people in Britain are fairly, fully, or equally represented? Have the people in general any control or concern in the election of magistrates in the different boroughs in Scotland? Are clergymen, in many parts of Scotland, forced on the people against their inclination? Are there any intricacies or inequalities in law procedure that could be rectified? We decline enumerating many other abuses, all of which could be re moved by a timely and radical reform in the House of Commons. We abhor ard detest all riots and tumults. Our armour shall be reason and truth, which we will not swerve from on any account. Our whole aim is to procure annual parliaments and universal suffrage. Till this is done, we declare to the out leave from the chairman, whom he shall address standing. 8. A president to be chosen by ballot each meeting, whose business it shall be to keep order, and not to enter into debate. 9. When any society amounts to sixteen members, they shall divide into two societies, the new society taking along with them a secretary properly constituted. Parochial Committees.-1.When any parish or district shall contain three societies, two persons from each shall be appointed, by ballot, to form a parochial committee, one of whom shall go out each month, and another ballotted for. 2. When any parish or district shall contain ten societies, they shall divide into a second committee of said parish. 3. Parochial committees shall receive delegates from societies of a neighbouring parish, providing said parish does not contain three so-. cieties. 4. That all questions shall be determined by a majority of the members present. None to sit in the committee but delegates. 5. That any business originating in any society shall, at the instance of such society's delegates, be, by the parochial, laid before the other societies. County Committees.-1. When any town or county contains three or more parochial com mittees, they shall elect two persons from each to form a county committee. 2. When any county shall contain twelve parochials, it shall divide into a second committee of said county. 3. County committees shall receive delegates from parochials of adjacent counties, if said county does not contain three parochial committees. Provincial Committees.-1. When any province contains three county committees, they shall elect two from each to form a provincial committee. 2. Provincial committees shall receive delegates from adjacent provinces, if said provinces do not contain three county committees.-3. Every provincial committee shall send not less than two delegates to the supreme national committee. National Committees.-The national committee shall elect a secret committee of seven members, all residing in or near the place where the National holds its sittings; two of them to go out by rotation each national meeting, and two others elected in their place. Ordinary Business at Meetings.-1. President elected. 2. Reports of delegates received. 3. Communications called for. 4. Candidates voted for. 5. Motions made and determined. 6. Time and place of next meeting appointed. Plan of Discipline. That there shall be a committee of three elected out of every society, consisting of the secretary and two of the members, chosen for the following purposes, namely, to receive such persons as have been approved by the society, and to admonish members who have behaved improperly. Test for Members. In the awful presence of God, I, A. B. do voluntarily declare, that I will persevere in endeavouring to form a brotherhood of affection amongst Britons of every description; and that I will also persevere in my endeavours to obtain an equal, full, and adequate representation of all the people in Great Britain: I do farther declare, that whatever misfortunes may befall any member or members of this or similar societies, in legally pursuing the objects of this union, I will esteem it my duty to support them lawfully, to the utmost of my ability. So help me God. to this Test for Sccretary.-In the awful presence of God, I, A. B. do voluntarily declare, that as long as I shall hold the office of secretary I will, to the utmost of my abilities, faithfully discharge the duties thereof. That all papers or documents, received by me as secretary, I will in safety keep: I will not give any of them, or any copy or copies of them, to any person or persons, members or others, but by a vote of and that I will, at the expiration of my secretaryship, deliver up to this all such papers as may be then in this my possession. So help me God. Test of Secrecy.-In the awful presence of God, I, A. B. do declare, that neither hopes, fears, rewards, or punishments, shall ever induce me, directly or indirectly, to inform or give any evidence against any member or members of this or similar societies, for any act or expression of theirs, done or made collectively or individually, in or out of this society, in pursuance of the spirit of this obligation. So help me God. King's Proclamation respecting Persons coming from Ireland.] March 18. Mr. Pitt presented the following Proclama tion : By the KING a PROCLAMATION. "Whereas we have reason to appre hend that divers persons, engaged in the treasonable conspiracy against us in our kingdom of Ireland, which lately manifested itself in open acts of rebellion and war against us in our said kingdom, have not abandoned their treasonable designs against us; and acting in concert with our foreign enemies, are preparing to assist our said enemies, in an invasion of our kingdoms, and for that purpose are endeavouring to incite and stir up rebellion and war against us in this kingdom: we have therefore thought it necessary, for the safety of our kingdoms, to prevent all persons engaged in such treasonable designs, from passing from our said kingdom of Ireland into this kingdom, and we do for that purpose, by and with the advice of our privy council, order, and do hereby strictly charge and command, that from and after the 20th day of March instant, no person whatsoever be permitted to pass from our said kingdom of Ireland into this kingdom, except such persons as shall be in our service, and actually so employed; and such persons as shall obtain a passport for that purpose from our lord lieutenant of our said kingdom of Ireland, his chief or under secretaries, the mayor or other chief magistrate of some city or town in Ireland, or one of our general officers commanding our forces within the several districts in our said kingdom: and by and with the advice aforesaid, we do further order, and hereby strictly charge and command, that no person whatsoever (except as aforesaid) coming from our said kingdom of Ireland, be permitted to land in this kingdom without our licence for that purpose first obtained; and that all such persons (except as aforesaid) who shall land, or attempt to land, in this kingdom without such license as aforesaid, shall be forthwith taken into custody, and detained in custody until our pleasure shall be further known and we do further order and require, that all persons having such passports as aforesaid, shall produce the same to some officer of our customs, at the port or place to which such persons shall come, before such persons shall be permitted to land at such port or place: and we do hereby, by and with the advice aforesaid, strictly enjoin, require, and command, all and singular justices of the peace, mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, and all other our officers and subjects, to use their utmost endeavours for the due execution of these our commands.-Given at our court at St. James's the 15th day of March, 1799, in the 39th year of our reign.-God save the King." "His Majesty thinks it proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that, in consequence of representations received from his lord lieutenant of Ireland; his Majesty has judged it important, for the peace and security of that kingdom, to give directions that several persons, who were in custody at Dublin and Belfast, on account of the active part they took in the rebellion, or for treasonable practices committed in promoting the same, should be immediately removed to some place of safe custody out of that kingdom; and his Majesty has therefore ordered that they should be brought over to this country, and should for the present be kept in custody in Fort George. G. R." Debate in the Lords on the Resolutions relative to a Union with Ireland.] March 19. The order of the day being read for the Lords to be summoned, Lord Grenville rose for the purpose of calling their lordships attention to the very important resolutions, communicated to that House by the Commons relative to a Union with Ireland. In bringing forward this subject for the consideration of their lordships, he had the satisfaction of being convinced that the two main points upon which the question could be properly argued had been already established; namely, that whatever steps they should take on the present occasion, the exclusive rights of the Irish legisla[VOL. XXXIV.] | ture should be duly respected; and secondly, that it is essential to the interests of the empire at large, and indeed, in the present state of things, to the existence of civilized society in Europe, that the connexion between the two kingdoms should be strengthened and improved. He was aware, that there were some who would argue vehemently against the adoption of the measure at any time, and under any circumstances. Without attending at that moment to objections in toto, he would consider whether or not the present was a time proper for bringing forward the discussion; and in this view he would simply ask, whether it was not wise and politic, by urging with as little delay as the nature of the case would admit of, a fair and temperate discussion of the general question to endeavour to do away the mistaken prejudices which have prevailed against the measure in Ireland? In making this observation, nothing was farther from his intention than to offend the Irish parliament, or irritate the feelings of that nation; neither did he think the present proceeding on the part of the British parliament could fairly have that effect. And here he must remark upon the way in which the question stood in the parliament of Ireland. The resolution of their Commons (for more it could not be called) certainly was not conclusive. The pro ceeding was taken in consequence of the measure being alluded to in a speech from the throne. What passed in their lower House of Parliament, so far from amounting to a law, was, in fact, a dead letter upon the Journals. In such case, should the British parliament be precluded from doin; what wisdom and national policy dictated. The conduct of their ancestors, upon an occasion nearly similar, offered the bes rule to them. Let them see what that conduct was upon the affair of the Union with Scotland. If the resolutions of the parliaments of either country had been at that time considered as a bar to farthe proceedings, that salutary measure would never have been perfected. The question, therefore, was, whether, in the particular circumstances of both countries, there was a necessity for the adoption of a plan, whereby their strength and resources might be consolidated and improved? The necessity of a change in the system of the Irish government was allowed on all hands. The grand difference of opinion was, with respect to the remedy for the grievances complained of in that country; [2 U] and on this head he would declare, that he never yet conversed with any well-informed man from Ireland, who did not say that the present state of things could not continue, consistently with the general safety of the empire. He would contend, that the much-talked-of settlement of 1782 was not, nor could it be from its nature conclusive. But because, in the peculiar circumstances of that day, it was thought prudent to make certain temporary arrangements were they not to be revised at a fitter opportunity? The country was at that time engaged in one of the most calamitous wars ever known in his tory. Discontent, to a very high degree, was prevalent in Ireland; the nation was called upon to arm itself, and it took that opportunity to claim those concessions which were then made by this country as a right. From these considerations, it might easily be implied, that the settlement was imperfect; and it was considered as such at the time. The parliament of England declared that farther measures were necessary. It was therefore, the duty of parliament to come forward and supply the defects of the former settle ment. In looking farther into the relative state of the two countries, he would examine into the nature of their connexion, and what was the bond which held together countries ruled by separate and independent legislatures-it was merely this, that one common sovereign reigned over them a sovereign constituted equally by the laws of both countries. This identity of the royal power was now the only remaining bond of connexion. In a pure and absolute monarchy such a bond of connexion might possibly be sufficient; but in a mixed government and limited monarchy as was the British, and the other compoment parts of the government of the countries distinct and separate, such a bond of union must be obviously imperfect. Nor was it alone to the British empire that such an objection could be applied the system of government of the United Provinces laboured under a defect not dissimilar. The connexion of the different parts of that confederacy was by no means strong enough, and the effects of it were felt in every war those countries were engaged in. The case of America offered another instance. Formerly, the connexion between the different provinces of that continent and the mother country was nearly the same as that between Great | Britain and Ireland now. The British parliament undoubtedly possessed a power of binding the American colonies in cases of general and external policy; but for the internal concerns of the countries, each province possessed a separate legis lature. When the colonies effected their separation from Great Britain, in some degree the old system was continued; but they found it so inefficient to all the purposes of good government, that two years had scarcely elapsed before it was set aside, and a new form of government substituted, in which the bond of union was made closer than the connexion which now subsisted between Great Britain and Ireland; and the executive and legislative were made the same in a great degree throughout the whole United States : yet, notwithstanding, every well-informed statesman would acknowledge, that the grand defect in the American constitution is, that the executive authority is not yet rendered sufficiently strong. However, other countries, besides America, had to complain of such defect. Had the Swiss provinces possessed an adequate bond of union, they would have been able successfully to oppose the designs of France. With respect to the supposed existing bond of connexion between Great Britain and Ireland he was not afraid to say that it was absolutely null. If the two parliaments were suffered to remain in their present state; if the countries hung together by no other bond of connexion than the present, the connexion was, he repeated, absolutely null. If, by the British constitution, the royal power could be exercised, free from the control of parliament, then, indeed, the regal identity might be a bond of connexion; but if the whole system of the regal power was not only under the control, but could not go on without the aid and assistance of parliament, and the parliaments of each kingdom were to remain distinct and separate, then he repeated, the bond of connexion was obviously null. But, if we scrutinize the leading branches of the royal powers, and see in what manner they are capable of being exercised under the present system, the insecurity of the connexion will be still more apparent. The first branch of the regal power, in order and in dignity, in the British constitution, was what regarded the ecclesiastical establishment in this consideration, let the House look at the present situation of the Irish parliament, the measures proposed |