sary appendages of our independence, at least before the union of the crowns, when we had a predatory enemy within ten miles of us; we behold, I say, without mortification or concern, those badges of on our rocks, while we can see the plains below covered with crops, which he who sows is now sure of reaping; and while we can extend our views of national greatness and dignity, and all our public feelings, whether of pride or of affection, not only beyond the little range of hills that we look upon, but to the remotest extremities of the habitable globe, I will ven. ture to declare for my country, that with the exception of those false Scotchmen, whom the enemy has been able to corrupt or to delude, and who, I trust, for the honour of Scotland, are both few and contemptible; but with that exception of the partizans of France, I will venture to pronounce, that there does not at this hour live a Scotchman of any degree or condition, from Berwick to the Orkneys, whose British patriotism would not be more offended, and certainly much more reasonably, by a proposal for separating these kingdoms, than the patriotism of Fletcher, of Saltown, or Lockhart, of Carnwath, could be at the beginning of the century by the proposal for uniting them. compensation worthy of notice, than that of seeing such of their representatives as were parties to this spoliation, rewarded by British peerages, which were to make them independent in future, of the favour or resentment of their injured consti-imperial dignity mouldering, and in ruins tuents. This measure, as your lordships must see, was, at the same time, the most flagrant violation of the union in some of its most fundamental articles, and could not fail of exciting general disgust, and alarm throughout Scotland, by breaking so wantonly the integrity, and shaking the security of that solemn treaty. The bill was accordingly debated with great warmth, at great length, and I think, with much ability in both Houses of parliament; and I have troubled your lordships with these particulars, for the purpose of observing, that throughout those debates, on a subject sufficiently offensive and irritating to Scotland, there was not dropped from the lips of a single individual, an intimation of any such wish for separation, as had been expressed in the proceeding of the year 1713. A certain proof that such a wish could not be general in either country, and a pretty conclusive argument that it was not professed or entertained by any considerable party or description of men then known in England or Scotland. On this review of the period immediately succeeding the union, I might, without much prejudice to my argument, concede all the noble lord can claim from the motion of 1713, though I am far from making that admission in fact; but if I were to grant that in the year 1713, some indications of indisposition and alienation between the countries remained; that six short years of union had not completely appeased and obliterated the animosities of four centuries, but that six years more had been sufficient for that purpose; that after the lapse of six years from their union, no trace of unkindness was discernible, and, that in twelve years after that union, the strongest provocation had failed in exciting it, I do not think, I say, that for the purpose of the present argument, I shall have made a concession of much value or importance, and with this remark I shall pass forward to times of which I am entitled to speak with the confidence of personal knowledge. I will venture then to assure your lordships, and to speak for my neighbours as well as myself, that at this day, we see without humiliation or regret, those towers and beacons, which were very neces I have dwelt somewhat longer on this topic, than perhaps I ought, principally for the purpose of showing what the nature and value of that object is, for which Ireland has been persuaded to renounce and reject with anger, the greatest and most evident advantages that were ever offered to a nation. It is, in the first place, then, a sentiment, or feeling, which it is difficult to define, and not perhaps easyeven to conceive distinctly. In the next place, this sentiment, such as it is, is so limited in duration, and so obsequious to events, that it is not enough to say that it expires. It actually changes sides-and the very sacrifices we would make to it at one pesiod, will, at a subsequent point of time, and from thence ever after, prove as much in contradiction with, and as offensive to this very feeling, as it might be welcome and grateful to it before. What then is this mighty object to which such sacrifices are required? It is an airy unsubstantial sentiment; it is a transient, evanescent, metaphysical point, to which we are called upon to sacrifice not only the substantial, but the permanent and perpetual interests of two great nations, But let us yield even this principle for a moment. Let us subscribe to that strange incomprehensible duty which I have heard proclaimed, with a sort of triumph, even in this House, and by which it is required that in a question such as this, the legislature should banish from their thoughts and contemplation every concern for the interests of the nations which they represent, and that the decision of this mighty question should be founded on any thing but its influence on the national advantage or security. Let us admit the insignificance of Irish prosperity and happiness, and the exclusive title of what is called distinctness and dignity, to our solicitude; I still say that even these objects are provided for, by rejecting the present measure: for the choice does not lie between the present condition of Ireland and union. We are not ignorant that the alternative is, according to every moral probability, union or separation; that is to say, union or ruin; union with Great Britain, or slavery to France. If this measure be not adopted, we know that the distinctness of Ireland must expire: that her political extinction must be accomplished; that she must undergo a change a thousand fold more degrading, as well as destructive, and more fatal to her independence and dignity by means which no mistaken patriotism can prefer: I mean by subjection to a foreign conqueror, or at best by a debased and slavish dependance on the general tyrant and task-master of Europe. Instead of preserving her present independence, or acquiring new accesssion of importance and dignity, by her association with the British empire, Ireland is in danger of dropping into that common sepulchre of nations, which has already buried the very names and memories of so many states and kingdoms, now no more. Will the identity or the dignity of Ireland be preserved, when after being first the dupe and the servile tool of France, she becomes her real and effective slave, under some ridiculous or antiquated nick-name, invented or revived, for the very purpose of obliterating her own? I confess I cannot persuade myself to rank a sentiment so subtle, and subject to so many refined and delicate modifications, with that sound and genuine affection, for I can class it only as a subordinate mode of that plain and manly passion, which has deserved, by excellence the style and dignity of patriotism. True patriotism will, I think, be found to rest on the solid basis of some rational and useful principle, which will keep it uniform and uninfluenced by time or circumstance, and which may serve as a criterion to distinguish its own genuine and steady course, from the capricious and irregular motions of some of its many counterfeits. The love of our country may be rational or fantastical as that of any other object; and, I must consider patriotism as partaking sufficiently of the nature of general affection, to acknowledge it for genuine, only when it is evinced by solicitude for the welfare of its object. I fix on this as the distinctive character of sincere affection, whether for our country or for any other object of regard. Public love is founded in utility, and by that mark alone may challenge its descent from heaven. The rest is all spurious, and to be viewed rather with caution than respect. On this clear principle, then, shall we not say, that a true patriot proposes to himself before all things, the prosperity and happiness of those who inhabit his country? He may set a value, if he pleases, on the distinct existence, and individuality of that country; but if his love be well regulated, and all its modes and affections be in due subordination, he will prefer the solid and real happiness of his country to its metaphysical identity. It is to this chaste and disciplined patriotism, that I would appeal on the present question, against the noisy and clamorous pretence which would usurp its seat, and bear away the decision by acclamation and tumult, before a sober and enlightened judgment, founded on the solid basis of public utility, can silence this importunate and delusive feeling. To sum up my argument on this point, in plain, but I think satisfactory terms; if a separate political existence is contrary, nay fatal to the real interests of the people of Ireland; and if a perfect incorporation and union with the British empire, must be productive of security, aggrandizement and happiness to Ireland, such a union should on this single but, decisive ground, be the first wish of every Irish heart. + Let us consider this question in one view more, and setting aside both the real interests of Ireland, and the chances of separation with its attendant calamities, let us only compare the present condition of Ireland in mere dignity, with its future condition, in that single respect, after the union; for we shall find the opposers of the union, mistaken in the means of consulting even barren dignity, when they prefer the present situation of Ireland to its incorporation with the British empire. In what does the dignity of a nation truly consist? Is it merely in its separate, or in its independent existence? If Ireland, from the very nature of things, is and always must, while it is a separate kingdom, remain, in some respects and in some degree, dependent, subordinate, inferior: and the day after its union with Great Britain, becomes altogether independent, sovereign and equal, how is its dignity better assured by the former condition than by the latter? We must inquire then what the present situation of Ireland truly is, in point of independence. Although I should wish to be perfectly frank and explicit, in pointing out those circumstances of necessary and unavoidable subordination which really exist, I would by no means insist on others, which I have heard enlarged upon; I think, with a false pride on our part, and perhaps with reasonable offence to the national feeling of Irishmen, and which, at the same time, do not appear to me genuine tokens of subordination in any respect. Of this description, I consider the necessity under which Ireland labours of claiming, in times of danger, whether from foreign or domestic enemies, the protection of the British navy, and military, as well as pecuniary aid from this country. I conceive Ireland to have a perfect right to this friendly and brotherly co-operation, on two grounds, which seem to me to preclude altogether, either a mor tifying humiliation on one hand, or an offensive pride on the other. First, the preservation of Ireland is an English in terest, and is a concern sufficiently precious to call for these exertions, even on a distinct and separate view of our own advantage. In the next place, Ireland is entitled to this support, from an empire to which she is associated, and to the general service and security of which she is herself contributing, cheerfully, and at all times, in every branch of public service. Her seamen, her soldiers, and her revenue all augment the general stock of British resources. And if peculiar and temporary emergencies have, at this, or any other particular period, increased the local demands of Ireland on the exertions of the empire, we must recollect, that the scene of danger may at other times be shifted; and we have no reason to doubt. but, on the contrary, have recent grounds, very honourable to Ireland, for believing that she will be ready to furnish extraordinary exertion, and aid, to repel extraordinary danger on this side of the water, if such occasions should arise. I must also dissent from another topic which I have heard used, as indicating a nationa Idependence of Ireland on Great Britain. I mean the advantages which she derives from the extensive commerce without, and the prosperous manufactures within, which are supposed to flow, and which I believe, really do flow, in a great part, from a free participation in the imperial greatness of Great Britain, and from encouragements which she might withhold if so advised. Here again, I think, Ireland may accept, I will not say, without gratitude, but without humiliation, as Great Britain ought to bestow without pride. When the question has been stated between entire separation and union, these considerations are very pertinently submitted to the prudence of Ireland, as they have been, with great ability, by the noble lord (lord Auckland) who preceded me; for the advantages alluded to, would, no doubt, be withdrawn with perfect justice, and indeed, by indispensable policy, if all connexion between us were dissolved. But when the question is placed on the footing of the present argument, that is to say, on a view of our present imperial relation, I then feel, that considering the importance of that relation to Great Britain, as well as to Ireland, the communication of these imperial advantages seems to belong to the very nature of the case, and to flow naturally from the sentiment of fraternity and reciprocal kindness which should accompany such a connexion. These favours seem to be prompted, certainly by a liberal, but at the same time, by a wise policy; they are the gifts of an elder to a younger brother: not the wages paid by a superior to a dependent. They ought to excite gratitude, and to improve as well as to secure affection between us; but they need not either exalt the pride of one, or humble that of the other; and, to say the truth, I cannot help feeling that the pride of Ireland may be very well reconciled to an obligation, for which she has the consciousness of returning in the reciprocal blessings of imperial connexion, an ample and corresponding equivalent. I erase, therefore, such topics as these, from my argument of Irish subordination. They appear to me not more inconclusive to that point, than somewhat removed, perhaps, from that liberality which ought to characterize such discussions, whether between individuals or nations; and if these obligations of Ireland to Great Britain are ever enlarged upon, I confess I should see it with more pleasure in Ireland, than in this country. must, and ought to follow in the wake of Great Britain. Here then is one authentic and signal badge of real subordination. But how is this necessary acquiescence of Ireland to be ensured? For it stands as yet on discretion and prudence, not on positive provision. May not an interval of passion, or the spleen of some contenThose real indications of subordination, tious moment, or the influence of some on which I mean however to rely, appear popular leader, persuade Ireland, in an to me such as ought not to mortify Ire- evil hour, to assert her right of separate land; because they are derived from the and independent deliberation in the comvery nature and constitution of human mon concerns, and to vindicate that right affairs, and especially from one cause, by setting up an opinion of her own, difwhich must afford, I conceive, rather gra- ferent from that adopted in England? tification than disgust to national feeling, Against this misfortune, which would, I mean the imperial connexion which otherwise be pretty sure of happening, makes Ireland a member of the noblest the constitution of our connexion with empire of the globe. For what, after all, Ireland has provided some securities. In is this imperial connexion in the necessity the first place we have the same king. of which we are all agreed? If it be any The king of Great Britain is, in virtue of thing more than a name, and if it afford that crown, king also of Ireland. Ireland any substantial advantage, does it not is content to follow the fortunes of England consist in securing a conformity, or rather in that great point; and this I state as perfect uniformity and unity, in the coun- another circumstance of dependence. But sels of the two countries on affairs of im- there are other still more sensible tokens perial concern? Such are, in some res- of practical subordination-The whole pects the regulation of commerce; the executive government of Ireland is admitransactions and intercourse with foreign nistered by a viceroy, appointed indeed states; the declaration of war; the conduct by the sovereign of Ireland, but not with and direction of war: the negociation and the advice of an Irish cabinet. He is apconditions of peace. These are the prin- pointed, in effect, by a British minister; cipal, if not all the points of imperial or he is subject to instructions from a British common concern; and in these it is ad- secretary of state, and responsible for mitted, and it is manifest that, for common every part of his administration municipal safety and advantage, the two countries as well as imperial, not to the Irish parmust be governed by one mind, and di- liament, not to the Irish laws, but to the rected by one will, to the same end. Now British parliament and its high tribunals. let me ask in what manner is uniformity Even this is not all: for all this may be to be ensured on points so much subject to thought inseparable from the nature and doubt in themselves, submitted to a judg-frame of our connexion. There remains ment, I mean that of the human mind, the variety and uncertainty of which is proverbial, and especially where some degree of temporary and occasional opposi tion, both of feeling and interest, may be looked for in particular seasons and circumstances-I need not go about to prove by any tedious argument, what is always conceded on this point, nor need I scruple to assert what the best Irish patriots, and warmest partizans of Irish independence have always freely acknowledged, that unity of counsels can be brought about and preserved, only by leaving the lead to one of these nations in those points on which it is necessary that they should agree. Every sensible and enlightened Irish statesman, has, I think, admitted that in imperial concerns, Ireland a point which was not so much the unavoidable consequence of the imperial constitution, but was thought subject to such a moral and political necessity, as to have been deliberately assented to and retained: by the most enlightened and ardent patriots of Ireland, even in the jealous review of her constitution, which took place at that period of enthusiasm and triumph which is become the grand aera of Irish freedom and pride, I mean the year 1782. The circumstance I now allude to is this. The legislative functions of the sovereign of Ireland can be performed only under the great seal, not of Ireland, but of Great Britain. Notwithstanding the extreme and jealous tenderness of the Irish nation, on all that could remotely, or even in the refinements of political sub tlety, affect the independence of their parliament, although that parliament is the shrine on which the nation itself is, it seems, now to be laid a victim; that Irish parliament was left, and remains at this hour, dependent for the validity of every one of its legislative acts, first on the chancellor of England, and through his responsibility, on that very parliament of England, an equal participation in the authority of which is thought so degrading to Ireland. God forbid that Ireland should change her mind on these points of voluntary subordination, or that her pride should supersede her wisdom, and a false dignity take the place of her substantial interest, at least in these particulars. For such are the few slender threads which yet hold together these ponderous bodies, and whenever they are broken we part for good. There is yet one other circumstance which not only indicates inferiority, but is so wholly irreconcileable with every notion of equality, and appears to me such a singularity in the condition of any country claiming the character of independent sovereignty, that I must add it to the list before I quit this topic. Ireland must take her part in all the wars of Great Britain. She must bear her share of their burdens, and incur all their hazards She may lose a province, or may become herself a province of the enemy. Yet Ireland cannot, by the utmost success of the war acquire an acre of new territory to the Irish dominion. Every acquisition made by the forces of the empire, however great her share may have been in the danger or exertion, accrues to the crown of Great Britain. If an island were taken by regiments raised in Ireland, and composed wholly of Irishmen, and by ships manned altogether by Irish seamen, that island is a British conquest, and not an Irish one. Ireland claims no sovereignty in any one of the foreign possessions or provinces of the British empire. She pretends to no dominion in India, in Ceylon, at the Cape of Good Hope, at Martinique, Trinidad, or Minorca. The Irish parliament has never asserted or conceived the right of legislating for any of the conquests of the king of England, that is to say of the king of Ireland. They are all subject ipso facto, to the legislature of Great Britain. Ireland has planted no Irish colonies, but has furnished planters to all those of Great Britain. In a word this whole class of sovereign rights and capacities, however inherent in the very nature of sove reignty, is wholly wanting in that of Ireland. If we were asked to define, or at least to describe an independent sovereignty, should we err much by saying, it is a state which can make war and peace, which can acquire dominion by conquest, and which can plant colonies, and establish foreign settlements? And if we would describe a subordinate and dependent country, could we do it better than by saying, it is a country which must contribute her quota to all the wars of a neighbouring kingdom, must incur all the risks of those wars and partake in all their disasters; while all that is acquired by their success falls, like the lion's share, to that country with which it claims to be co-ordinate and co-equal? I will insist no farther on this ungracious topic. What I have said, was necessary for my argument, and if I have demonstrated the real subordination of Ireland, it was certainly not for the disingenuous pleasure of gratifying the vanity of one nation, at the expense of another, but only to observe that subordination must be the constant companion of an imperial connexion with a more powerful and more considerable state, and that pride can fly only to one of two remedies, I mean, total and absolute separation, or a perfect, incorporating and equalizing union. This argument is often conducted as if the question lay between distinct existence and total extinction. This is a fale view of the alternative. If Ireland foregoes her separate individuality, it is not to perish but still preserving in full life and vigour, her own existence, she becomes identified with a larger whole; and so far from the pretended annihilation with which our adversaries would alarm her, she appears to me to acquire new extension. I would ask in what manner is an inhabitant of any province or county of Ireland degraded, when he is enabled to say that he is an Irishman, and that he is besides a citizen of the united empire of Great Britain and Ireland; and when instead of admission, as it were, by courtesy, to an indirect and circuitous advantage from the greatness of another country, to which he himself claims to be in some sort a stranger, he can assert as clear a title and as positive ownership and property in the glory and prosperity of the empire to which he will belong, as any native of Great Britain can do at this moment?-I cannot better describe the condition of Ireland after the union, or better |