the sea forms a geographical separation | the Mediterranean, or even of those in between them, which did not exist in the her own immediate neighbourhood, in St. case of England and Scotland; but, on George's Channel, or on the western the other hand, Dublin is nearer to Lon- coast of France. Is any one so ignorant don than Edinburgh is; and the journey, as not to perceive how materially such renotwithstanding the sea passage, is, I be- gulations may affect the commercial and lieve, in general, performed in a shorter political interests of Ireland? On the time; Cork, Limerick, and Londonderry, admission of her representatives among are nearer to it than several of the princi- those of this island, she will immediately pal towns in the north of Scotland; and acquire her proportionate share in all no part of Ireland is so far removed from those great concerns; a voice in the legisthis city as the counties of Sutherland and lative government of Great Britain, and Caithness; not to mention again the Ork- of every part of the British dominions. ney and the Shetland islands. Besides, This is not all; Ireland will not only have it is to be observed. that Great Britain is this share of general legislation through the only neighbour of Ireland, and that, the influence and suffrages of her own while the eastern coast of Scotland is open immediate representatives: she will also be to a near and easy intercourse with other represented and entitled to speak through countries, Great Britain intercepts almost the influence and suffrages of every one of entirely all direct communcation between the 513 members chosen in this island. Ireland and the continent of Europe, This was ably pointed out in a former dewhile the immense expanse of the Atlantic bate, by a gentleman (Mr. Peel), who, divides that island from all other parts of on that occasion, discovered the most enthe globe. If we add to these considera-larged and liberal views of general policy, tions the many and important facilities, or rather invitations, to a more thorough incorporation of England and Ireland and which now must comprehend Scotland —that did not exist in the former case; the same system of laws, civil and commercial; the same rules of property; similar tribunals; corresponding forms of legislature; a common origin; extensive consanguinity, and intermarriages; the great number of those who, by succession or acquisition, are daily becoming owners of land in both kingdoms; the same established religion; the same course of education, &c. &c. ;-if we consider all these circumstances, that of absolute territorial contiguity seems to be infinitely outweighed, and, as it were, totally to vanish from our sight. Having incidentally cleared away, as I, flatter myself I have, this objection of the want of immediate juxta-position, I shall not, for the present, revert to any farther examination of more general, or, as they are often called, imperial considerations: but will now proceed to take a view of some of the peculiar benefits which I think Ireland would derive from the proposed arrangement. At present, she has no share whatever in the legislation of Great Britain, nor in that of the empire. Her parliament can take no part in the regulations necessary for the government and administration of our foreign possessions in the East and West Indies, in Asia, Africa, or America, of those in united to the soundest speculative as well as practical knowledge of commerce and manufactures. And here we may perceive the gross fallacy of the idea which so often mixes itself in these debates, and has, as we have seen, been founded on in the argument of incompetency, viz. that the concerns of Ireland will be solely and exclusively attended to, and this too on a principle of opposition and hostility, by the smaller number of members which she will have to choose. It will, on the contrary, be then the duty, and on all great points will, I am satisfied be the desire and the true interest of those elected here, to give their due weight to the interests, general or local, of Ireland, in their deliberations and in their votes ; and in cases where they do not, I am apt to believe, what respects Ireland will be wholly left to the decision of the Irish members, as I have already observed to have happened so generally in regard to the Scotch members of the British parliament, when the subject before the legislature has merely related to Scotland. Natural and fair reasons for this, and equally applicable to Ireland, might easily be stated; but it is enough here to appeal to the fact, which has been so notorious, that when my right hon. friend asked in a former debate, whether Scotland had, in consequence of her comparatively small number of forty-five members, been oppressed or taxed beyond her proportion since the union? the mere supposition, | so contrary to experience, forced a smile from the gentlemen on the other side of the House. But, as I have just said, every individual in the united parliament will, in principle, and as a duty, have vested in him a portion of British and also a portion of Irish representation, and this in the ratio of the comparative weight and importance of the two countries in the general scale; and do not let gentlemen pay so poor a compliment to the candour and wisdom of British legislators as to think they will either supinely, or partially shut out from their minds important objects which may more immediately concern Ireland, but the decision on which cannot but also affect the welfare of the whole united kingdom. Many, indeed, chosen for Great Britain will feel even personal motives as strong or stronger for looking to the advantage of Ireland as for consulting that of this country. Have we, for instance, any reason to suppose that the hon. member for Stafford (Mr. Sheridan), if he should happily fail, as I trust he will, in the object of his present mistaken zeal, and the union should be established, will be a less vigilant guardian of the privileges and interests of his native land, than of those of the country he has thought fit to adopt? Or will a native of Great Britain, if he happens also to be a merchant principally engaged in Irish commerce, and looking to that country as the source of his wealth and fortune; will the opulent English mortgagee of an estate in Ireland (of which description some, I believe, have now seats in that House), will men of that sort, members chosen for British seats, to the united parliament, be apt to overlook that part of their duty which they will owe to the sister island? Such gentlemen are even now prompt enough, and I mention it to their honour, to speak as if they already represented Ireland here. But, as matters stand, they can hardly do so constitutionally, and certainly not effectually. If a union take place, such a conduct will be at once reconcileable to their inclination, their rights, and their duty. improve, have not the means of acquiring such an habitual and detailed knowledge of the characters, circumstances, and interests of that kingdom, as would have been necessary to enable them to have judged with sufficient certainty of the justice or policy of such measures. I do not mean here to refer to those persons in that kingdom who have borrowed from the phraseology of their predecessors in Scotland the inflammatory and inapplicable terms of foreign government, foreign cabinet, foreign ministers, &c. I speak of many men firmly attached to the connexion with Britain and the interests of the empire, and who consider Irishmen and Britons not as foreigners to each other, but as friends and countrymen living under the allegiance of the same sovereign, and entitled reciprocally to all the privileges-I was going to say of citizenship, but that word has been profaned,-of natural born-subjects, in either kingdom. Men even of that description are not unfrequently heard to say, "The government in England is unacquainted with the concerns and the people of this country. They seldom interfere without doing harm. Why do they not leave us to ourselves." It is needless to argue the obvious inadmissibility of the conclusion thus drawn from premises concerning the truth of which it is not my business to inquire. The administrators of the supreme super. intending government of the empire, in all its parts, must reside near the person of the sovereign. But though we cannot give way to the principle, it does not follow that the facts may not, in some instances, have proved more or less true. Now, Sir, the incorporation of the legislatures would, I think, by the frequent presence of the Irish peers and commoners at the seat of general government, afford a perfect cure to this evil. Men thoroughly acquainted with all the affairs of that kingdom; natives, probably, of all or most of the different cities and counties; persons possessing property, engaged in trade and manufactures, or exercising professions over the whole extent of the country, would be then, during the sitting of parliament, ready on the spot to represent to the ministers, or even submit diSir, it has been a very common objec- rectly to the sovereign: and when the tion in Ireland to measures affecting that occasion called on them, in the different country undertaken by the government stages of any measure, or on the first here, that ministers in London, with all pressure of any emergency, would have it the opportunities their stations may fur-in their power to bring before the eyes of nish, and their sense of duty urge them to the impartial legislature itself, and sup port in both Houses, by their weight, their talents, and their suffrages, whatever their duty to their country, or to their immediate constituents, might seem to require. But the most seducing topic with the vulgar, and with some also in Ireland of a higher class, who possess a stronger sense than understanding of national dignity and honour, has been the independence of their country. This is represented as so inseparably connected with the parliament they now enjoy, that when the mode of their legislation shall be changed, and they shall cease to have this parliament exclusively their own, they imagine the nation must cease to be independent, and that they will become a debased and degraded people. Sir, when such a change as is proposed is considered as a degradation and debasement, it certainly must arise from some confusion in the ideas annexed to those words. If Ireland and its parliament shall be incorporated with the British nation and parliament, they will undoubtedly lose their distinctness, and identity. They will no longer have a separate political existence; they will become, but so will Great Britain and her parliament, parts only of the united whole; and in as far as a part cannot be said to be independent of the other parts, Ireland will, in that sense, become dependent on Great Britain, but so will Great Britain on Ireland. If after this it shall be contended that the lesser part is more dependent than the greater the argument will be found to resolve itself into what we have already discussed, namely the effects of the disproportion of numbers between the Irish and British members of the common parliament. May I, however, be permitted to ask whether the Irish parliament, even since the boasted revolution or constitution of 1782, is, or ever can, in its separate, yet connected state, be totally independent? I know, Sir, that this may be reckoned delicate ground, but it has been resorted to by the enemies of a union, and I but follow them in entering upon it: and besides, I feel too strongly the ties of duty and affection by which I hold myself to be connected with that country as well as this, to avoid any part of the argument, which has been rendered necessary to a sound decision, merely because if ill understood, what I may say upon it may prove unpopular in the neighbouring kingdom. In such circumstances "ma luerim veris offendere quam placere adulando." Is, then, a parliament independent, whose proceedings cannot receive the force of law without the act of persons not members of that parliament in any of its branches, and who, in acting or refusing to act in that respect, are themselves responsible to another parliament? Yet that this is the very condition and state of the Irish parliament is clear from the statute book of Ireland; and, indeed, its being so, is fondly considered by some of the most able opposers of a union, as essential to the happy connexion of that country with this. "The statute [Irish St. 20. & 22. Geo. 3rd, c. 47.] enacts, that no bill shall pass into a law in Ireland, unless it be returned under the great seal of Great Britain; thus not leaving the connexion of the two kingdoms a bare junction under one sovereign, but securing the continuance of that connexion, by making the British minister answerable to the British nation. if any law should receive the royal assent in Ireland which could in any way injure the empire, be incompatible with its imperial interests, or tend to separate Ireland from it." [Mr. Foster's speech, p. 24]. To analyse this matter more in detail. The great seal of Great Britain cannot be put to an Irish bill but by the chancellor or lord keeper of that seal, who will seldom execute this duty of his office without the concurrence of those other ministers of state, members of the British council, who constitute what is called the cabinet. Every act so done, though under the command of the king, is an executive, not a legislative act, which the minister advises and performs at his peril, liable to be called to account for it by impeachment in this parliament. His majesty's personal expression of his assent to an Irish statute is perhaps as purely legislative as that by which he assents to a British law; but every public act done by a subject, except his speaking and voting in parliament, is in its nature executive, and that for which he is responsible. In the sentence I just now repeated, there seems to be implied some suggestion that the responsibility of the British ministers is confined to the case of Irish statutes affecting the empire at large, or tending to a separation of the two kingdoms. The Irish act referred to, says no such thing. It is indeed very common to hear a dis tinction made between acts of the Irish parliament, concerning the local policy and interests of that kingdom, and those whose objects are imperial. In a popular sense, and in extreme cases such a distinction no doubt exists. A road or estate bill in Ireland can hardly, by any possibility, concern the empire at large; and it might be folly in a British chancellor or cabinet to exercise any judg. ment, or apprehend any responsibility, in regard to it. But the law draws no line, and in every Irish statute of any considerable moment, the empire must be more or less concerned. Who is to judge of the degree in which it is so, or of the propriety and safety of advising his majesty to receive or reject any such statute? who but the minister or ministers who may be questioned for giving that advice and carrying it into effect. Does not this prove that there still remains a real and substantial subordination or dependence of the Irish on the British parliament; a dependence or subordination inherent in the very nature of the present mode of connexion between the two countries.With regard to the executive government, its subordination is still more obvious. The king's solemn commands, to be executed in Ireland, are either communicated to the lord lieutenant when he enters upon his office, by his commission and general instructions under the seals of Great Britain, or by king's letters, transmitted from time to time, and countersigned by one of the secretaries of state, or, in revenue matters, by the lord treasurer, or three of the lords of the Treasury. What is the consequence of all this? Ireland is still jealous of her independency. We are told by many, that she conquered that independency, and will maintain it by the sword; she therefore revolts at the practical exercise of powers constitutionally vested in the parliament and ministers of this country. The government here, partly from the fear of renewing former or exciting new animosities, partly from other causes, are supposed in general cases to leave matters to the Irish parliament, and the ministers of that country. From time to time, however, points will occur where there may appear cogent reasons for their exercising their own discretion, and this perhaps in a manner contrary to the sentiments prevailing with the servants of the crown in Ireland. In such cases the difficulty may often be surmounted by the prudence of confidential intercourse, and the adoption of some middle way, suggested by good temper and good sense, so as not to alarm the dignity of Ireland, or commit the imperial authority resident here. But more than once, even since I have had my attention directed to Irish affairs, situations have arisen in which the English ministry have thought it their duty to exercise, without such a temperature, an immediate controlling authority in Ireland. Now, Sir, whenever this has happened, they have incurred more than the hazard of rousing the jealousy, and affronting the high spirit of some of those persons in that kingdom who had been accustomed to a leading share in the measures of her government, and may think they are conscious to themselves of a superior knowledge of her affairs. Here, then, is a dilemma which has already occasioned many difficulties, and which, unless some remedy can be applied, will, I fear, be the source of growing embarrassment to both governments, and much ill blood between the two countries; nor can I see the possibility of any alteration which can have the effect of a remedy whilst the present system remains. His majesty, in order to exercise his legislative and executive functions, must either go to Ireland; or he must exercise them through the medium of servants, responsible and impeachable here; or Ireland, by its representatives, must come to England. The first of these plans would only remove the difficulty as to Ireland by throwing it upon Great Britain; and besides. the residence of the king of the British dominions any where but in Great Britain will hardly be proposed. The second we have shown to be incompatible with the real independency of Irish legislative and executive government. The third, therefore, only remains; i. e. such, a legislative union and incorporation, as that the Irish nation shall be represented in this country by an adequate number of lords and commoners, returned to serve at Westminster in a common or united parliament. Then, indeed, it will be no longer true of Ireland, that she "must tamely follow Great Britain with submission and subserviency;" then she will be no longer gens quæ juxta, jacet, dubiæ libertatis ;" the country and its legislation will then, by their identification with this, be truly independent. They never can be so otherwise, unless Ireland will separate herself from Great Britain, and can trust to her own strength and means in re 859] sisting, or to the liberality of our enemies | tract, by which, for a valuable consider in not attempting to impose upon her upon. Let us, therefore, a little inquire, how these different allegations stand in point of fact. And first, as to the supposed compact concerning the linen trade. It is admitted that Great Britain is the great customer of Ireland for that her staple commodity that we receive it for our home consumption free of all duty; and encourage its re-exportation from hence to foreign parts by the same bounties which we bestow on our own manufacture. This, I say, is admitted; but, it is stated, "That this encouragement to the Irish linen trade is the effect of a special con ation, England became bound to grant It is extraordinary, but true, that since |