their arts and their arms to their favourite { I admit that the idea of a legislative object of wresting from us our sister king- union was long familiar in Scotland; but dom, are to enjoy the advantages accru- I deny that it now comes unawares, and ing to them, both from the want of a true by surprise upon Ireland. I am, on the political consent of parts in the present contrary, well persuaded, that such a plan complex and ill-constructed machine of for that country must have been uniour imperial legislation, and from the formly present to the minds of every micunning industry of their revolutionary nister, every statesman, every politician, allies in Ireland, who even now are every enlightened member of parliament, endeavouring to obtain the co-operation every man, in short, in that kingdom, quaof some of the men who have hitherto lified and entitled to judge of such quesbeen their most determined foes, and the tions, for a space of time considerably most zealous friends of Great Britain, by longer than what elapsed between the working on their blind and unfounded union of the crowns and that of the jealousy of the British parliament, and parliaments of this country. I will enentrapping those infatuated persons into a deavour to prove this to the satisfaction conduct which, if not counteracted, may of the House, by a deduction of clear enable them to accomplish the fatal end historical facts. To say nothing of the of their detestable conspiracies. Was actual, though imperfect and illegal the union with Scotland undertaken incorporation under the usurper, you or carried into effect in a time of external know, Sir, that in the reign of Charles or domestic peace? Far otherwise. But 2nd by a report of the council of trade then it is said, that when it was negotiated in Ireland to the lord lieutenant and and completed, the arms of Great Britain privy council there, dated the 25th and her allies were triumphant. In March 1676, that board expressly recomanswer to this, it need only be observed, mended, "That endeavours should be that the treaty must be considered as used for the union of the kingdoms under having been commenced and in progress one legislative power, proportionably, as from the very beginning of the reign was heretofore done in the case of Wales." of queen Anne, and when affairs abroad I cite the very words of the Report, wore a very gloomy aspect. As to which is stated to have been drawn by those at home, they must have cast a Sir W. Petty, and who, in his treatise very careless, or a very partial eye, on called "The Political anatomy of Irethat period of our history, who do not land," written, I believe, a few years beperceive, in the circumstances of a dis- fore, had delivered his individual opinion puted succession, the yet recent concus. to the same purpose. "If," says he, sion of the Revolution, the numerous "both kingdoms were under one legislaadherents of the exiled family in both tive power and parliament, the numbers kingdoms, the jarring interests of the two whereof shall be proportionable in power countries, and the dissentions between and wealth of each nation, there would them on account of religion and com- be no danger such a parliament should do merce, a complication of political difficul- any thing to the prejudice of the English ties as great, though of a different nature, interest in Ireland: nor can the Irish perhaps much greater, than any that ever complain of partiality, when they exists at present. In truth, though at shall be freely and proportionably reprefirst sight it appears reasonable to think sented in all legislatures." In 1698, Mr. that times of tranquillity are best adapted Molyneux, in his "Case of Ireland," to the discussion and accomplishment of clearly points to a representation of great political arrangements, this specula- Ireland in a united parliament as a most tion, on closer attention, does not seem to desirable arrangement for that country. be warranted, either by the nature or his- His words are these: "If from these last tory of mankind. On the contrary, I be- mentioned records, it be concluded that lieve it will be found, that men and nations the parliament of England may bind are too indolent for great exertions, "en- Ireland, it must also be allowed that the terprises of pith and moment," while in people of Ireland ought to have their reprethe undisturbed enjoyment of quiet pros- sentatives in the parliament of England. perity and that to all their most memora- And this I believe we should be willing ble efforts of that sort, they have been enough to embrace: but this is an happistimulated by the urgency of personal or ness we can hardly hope for." [London national calamity, or at least of private or edition in 1770, p.74. There is a preface public difficulties and embarrassment.

growth of that kingdom in point of trade and wealth, so that it may not be able to attempt any thing against the constitution of England. He afterwards enters into a variety of arguments to show the equal injustice and impolicy of either of those methods, and then comes to his proposal of a union, which he supports in a manner very clear and forcible, on considerations respecting the interests and relative situation of the two kingdoms, proving himself (whoever he was) to have been a person of more than ordinary information and abilities.

following short passage:-"By this measure, future rebellions would be prevented, which that kingdom was never long free from. Ireland would be then England, and the nation become more formidable abroad, and safer at home.Ireland making, as it were, one continent with this island, which it would become in effect, and more usefully than if it were so in reality."-In a book printed in the same year, intitled, "Miscellanea Aulica," there is a short paper with this superscription: "A Proposal of several Officers, and other Gentlemen of English Extraction in Ireland, for a Union of that Kingdom with Thus, Sir, I think I have shown that England." There is no date to it; but it this idea, now said to be so novel to Iremust have been originally drawn up either land, must have been in the general conin the reign of Charles 2nd, or of king templation of all thinking people in that William, as appears by this introductory country, from the days of Cromwell to paragraph:-"His majesty's good sub- the period of the union of England and jects in Ireland, upon the hearing of a Scotland. Upon that event, the hopes of proposal made, not long since, for the those true patriots in Ireland, who wished uniting England and Scotland, with all for the blessing of a like union to their obedience and submission humbly con- own country, seem to have revived, while ceive it a means conducible thereto, if the the English ministers of that day contilike union of England and Ireland, under nued to feel the same disinclination to it, one legislative power assembled in one which had been manifested by those in parliament, might be resettled de jure, in power at the beginning of the reign. In something like the manner it was formerly the speech of the earl of Pembroke, then dé facto, to the facilitating his majesty's lord lieutenant, at the opening of the scsgracious government of both kingdoms, sion on the 7th July, 1707, so memorable dissolving of many intricate difficulties, and important an occurrence as the union taking away much of the root of difference with Scotland was not even mentioned. and discord between the now many parties But the Commons, that very day, resolved in his majesty's said kingdoms, and streng- on an address of congratulation to her thening his hands against all opposition, majesty," on the accomplishment of the both at home and abroad."-It seems great work of uniting her majesty's kingpretty clear, from the title and style of doms of England and Scotland." Mr. this proposal, that it was designed to be Brodrick was chairman of the committee laid before government, and was the act who prepared it, and it is drawn in such of some known and considerable class of warm language of admiration, as clearly persons; so that it most probably was a evinces how great an impression the submatter of general notoriety.-I will men-ject had made:" We crave leave to lay tion one other publication of that time, which expressly purports to have been submitted to the consideration of queen Anne and her parliament. The title is, "An Essay upon a Union of Ireland with England, most humbly offered to the Consideration of the Queen's most excel-kingdoms of England and Scotland. This lent Majesty, and both Houses of Parliament." The date, in the copy I have seen, is "Dublin, reprinted 1704."-This author states his opinion, that while Ireland continues a distinct kingdom, the only precautions England can take to prevent any danger that may arise to it from that country, are, 1st, to entrust the government there entirely in the hands of Englishmen; or, 2ndly, to check the

hold of the earliest opportunity humbly to address your majesty with our most hearty and sincere congratulations, for the inward joy and satisfaction you are blessed with, and the glory you have acquired, by accomplishing the union of your majesty's

great and glorious work, which your ancestors, with their utmost endeavours, laboured to accomplish, lay above the reach and wisdom of former times, and seems to have been reserved by Heaven for your majesty's reign.-May God put it in your royal heart to add greater strength and lustre to your crown, by a still more comprehensive union."-The Lords expressed themselves to the same effect,

lation about the middle of the ensuing reign, Mr. Trenchard, who was peculiarly versed in the concerns of Ireland, recommended it in the following terms:-"Ireland is too powerful to be treated only as a colony. If we design to continue them friends, the best way to do it is to imitate the example of merchants and shop. keepers; that is, when their apprentices are acquainted with their trade, and out of their time, to take them into partnership, rather than let them set up for them

though not quite in sush direct terms:May your majesty go on and extend your favour to all your subjects, till none are excluded from so great a blessing, but such as, by their own frowardness or disaffection to the public good, bar themselves from the general advantages of your majesty's reign."-The queen's answer to the Commons was in these very general and evasive terms:-"The Commons may be assured, that nothing shall be wanting on her part to make the union of all her subjects as extensive as is possible."-selves in the neighbourhood." About the And although, in their new address of year 1735, the excellent Berkeley pubthanks for this answer, they seem to have lished a book on the interests of Ireland, been desirous to give it an interpretation called "The Querist," from many pasapplicable to the measure they had in con- sages in which he appears to have had the templation, declaring that "The assurance expediency of a union strongly impressed her majesty had been pleased to give on his mind. In the 90th query particuthem, had inspired them with hopes of an larly, he thus expresses himself: "Qu. addition to the many blessings they en Whether if it be not the true interest of joyed under her most auspicious reign;" both nations to become one people, and yet no real encouragement being given to whether either be sufficiently apprized of their overtures on the subject, the matter this?" Dean Tucker's proposal for " A was prosecuted no farther. The English Union with Ireland," was first printed in government and the Irish parliament had 1751, in his " Essay on Trade." In 1752, one very natural sentiment in common, a tract appeared under the title of "A the apprehension of danger from the great Proposal for uniting the Kingdoms of number of Catholics in Ireland, who con- Great Britain and Ireland," which was tinued attached to a dethroned monarch generally understood to be the production of the same religion with themselves. But of the late marquis of Downshire; and, if the parliament seems to have looked to a I am not much misinformed, a legislative legislative union as the surest protection incorporation was, during the whole of against this danger. The ministers in his life, a favourite object with that expeEngland preferred the establishment of a rienced statesman, and strongly recomsystem of severe penalties and disqualifi-mended by him to the different persons cations against Papists, restrictive of the successively at the head of government. rights, as well civil as political, which, till Sir, I trust the selection I have made then, they had enjoyed in that country has fully proved my assertion, that this equally with their Protestant fellow-sub-subject has not come by surprise, on the jects. And the attempt to engage the queen in the measure they had recom mended having failed, the parliament, seeing no third course, thought themselves compelled to co-operate with the crown in adopting the other expedient. It has, accordingly, been truly remarked, by a great authority in the sister kingdom, "That it was not till the proposition to unite the legislatures of the two countries had proved abortive, that the great code of the Popery laws of Ireland was enacted" [Lord Fitzgibbon's speech in the Irish House of Lords, 13th March 1799].

I do not find the matter of union to have been afterwards revived in the Irish parliament, but it still continued to be a very general subject of public discussion. In Cato's Letters, a work of universal circu

people and parliament of Ireland. Indeed, Mr. Burke tells us, in his Letter to sir Hercules Langrishe," that he had heard a discussion concerning a union amongst all sorts of men ever since he remembered any thing." It cannot have escaped the attention of the House, that none of those of whom I have made mention, ever seem to have entertained a suspicion of that new discovery-the incompetency of the Irish parliament. What has been stated to show the long and continued attention which must have been given to the subject in Ireland, goes a great way also to prove, that there must always have been a great number of persons there, in that sphere of life in which alone men are to be found in any country capable of understanding and judging of such matters, who were strongly of opinion, that a legislative