of only one room. Of these more than 29,000 held three persons, over 16,000 held four, over 7,000 held five, over 2,500 held six, over 850 held seven, over 250 held eight, and others holding each nine, ten, eleven, twelve, or more. These figures are quoted from Mr. Charles Booth. This was in 1892. Since then conditions have become infinitely more appalling, because of the ever-increasing exodus from the agricultural districts to the towns, and also because of the undesirable immigration from the Continent, which is making England a dumping-ground for Europe.

In 1907 there were over 124,000 recognised paupers in London receiving Poor-Law relief, and that number is not decreasing. In 1905, on the 29th January, the inspectors and medical officials of the London County Council took a census of London's outcasts. Between one o'clock and five o'clock in the morning, from Hyde Park to Whitechapel, and from Holborn to the Thames, 1,609 men and 188 women were counted in the streets without a place to sleep. Since then conditions have become worse.

It was estimated by Mr. Jack London, in his book, "The People of the Abyss " (a work that should be read by all Englishmen who love their country), that 21 per cent. of the people in London are driven to take parish relief. Also that 1,800,000 persons were either utterly destitute or living on the brink; one person in every four in London died supported by public charity. With a population, then, of 42,000,000 people there were 8,000,000 always liable to starvation, and 20,000,000 not being able to live a really healthy, clean, and comfortable life. As it is with London, so it is with the other large cities, York, Liverpool, Bristol, and Edinburgh. It seems almost impossible that conditions can be so bad in the heart of the richest and most powerful Empire in the world. This deterioration is an Imperial danger and is of as vital interest to the rest of the Empire as to the people of the United Kingdom.

This physical deterioration among the masses is due to several causes, one being the excessive consumption

of alcoholic drinks, which is one of the chief sources of revenue which the Government depend upon to provide for the maintenance of the United Services for the Imperial defence. It is also due to the frightful overcrowding, as seen in the foregoing statistics, in unhealthful quarters in the large cities, consequent on the depopulation of the country districts. Seventy-seven per cent. of the people live in cities; the proportion in Germany being but 36 per cent. This is mainly due to the downfall of agriculture, caused by the policy of Free Trade, or, rather, free imports, as well as to the great difficulty of obtaining employment. Even when employment is obtained it is often only at starvation wages, caused by the terrible congestion in the labour market, which has of late years appeared in a most aggravated form. The only hope of curing the disease is in Government aid and supervision of emigration to the Dominions. The Salvation Army has already begun an admirable undertaking. In 1904 this organisation started by carrying over one thousand people from England to Canada. These people were not left in Quebec to their own resources, but were taken in small parties to different parts of the country where they were needed. Every one of the party had a situation waiting for him. Soon the Salvation Army will be able to carry many thousands, not only to Canada but to all the Colonies. If such an undertaking can be made a success by the Salvation Army, it surely could be adopted by the Government.

For years our working people have, through the great competition between steamship lines, been offered facilities to emigrate to the United States. Many at home have consoled themselves with the idea that this would increase British exports to that country. But it is now well known that the British Dominions are much better customers to manufacturers of the United Kingdom than either the United States or foreign nations. Our own people take from us £6 per head, the foreigner 6s. It follows, therefore, that it is of the greatest importance for the United Kingdom to en

deavour to increase the population of the Dominions in order to gain a still greater trade with them. We are becoming more and more dependent for food and manufactures on foreign countries. When all this is considered one marvels at the indifference of the Government to emigration, and the absence of any attempt to direct the exodus that does take place towards our own Dominions. Such disregard of Imperial interests must eventually end in the loss of those very countries which, if fully populated by British emigrants, could make the Empire self-sustaining and create magnificent markets for our own manufactures.

Look, too, at the effect of our laissez-faire policy on the poor of the United Kingdom. Some, no doubt, that are unemployed are unemployable, but the greater number would, if given the chance, willingly go to work. In 1910 the total number of paupers in the United Kingdom was 1,158,000, and the cost of maintaining them was £17,588,000. This sum, when capitalised at 3 per cent., represents a capital of over £600,000,000. Nor do we stop at this enormous expenditure; large sums are annually contributed to charitable institutions, which keep numbers of people practically in idleness. Many of these pensioners, State and otherwise, are ablebodied, and if given the chance to emigrate to another part of the Empire would become producers as well as consumers. Thus not only would a great part of this huge outlay be saved, but there would be an actual gain to the wealth of the Empire.

It must not be supposed from these remarks that one wishes to see the Home and Colonial Governments adopt a joint system to transfer paupers wholesale from the United Kingdom to other parts of the Empire, although it is probable that some prejudiced critics will at once fasten one with this intention. But what one should emphasise is that if a joint system of State-aided emigration were inaugurated which directed our emigration to the thinly-populated British Dominions, it would reduce the large surplus population here within bounds, tend considerably to reduce the number of people depen

dent on charity, and help on the development of our great Empire.

Emigration is one of the most important of our Imperial questions. Upon it depends the health and physique of future generations. With the federation of the Empire all these emigrants, far from losing their nationality, would become more than ever before a gain to the British nation, contributing, as they then would, to all Imperial necessities, having, as they then would have, a common citizenship, with equal political rights, realising also the privileges enjoyed as citizens of the British Empire. It is greatly to be hoped, therefore, that the statesmen of the Empire, profiting by the past, may eventually arrive at some successful conclusion in dealing with this question. The alternative to this is that the United Kingdom may continue to pursue her indifferent course towards the emigration of her sons, and that, as in the past so in the future, many of our best, the flower of our manhood, will go to swell the ranks of the army of workers in the United States, our greatest rival now and in the future, or possibly develop and carve out independent nations from the States of an unfederated British Empire.

T

CHAPTER V.

PRACTICAL IMPERIALISM.

HE consolidation of the British Empire will probably be realised gradually. For if we continue the policy of what may be termed practical Imperialism, the consolidation will rather be a process of evolution than revolution-a slow but steady growth towards Imperial unity, though perhaps in some respects, as treated in a previous chapter, certain phases in our political system will be said to become revolutionised.

The many important details of practical Imperialism, if gradually carried out, would pave the way to federation. As mentioned before, the present quadrennial Imperial Conference should be superseded by a per

manent Imperial Council, consisting of his Majesty's advisers from Home, the Dominions, and India.

The Council could then deliberate on, and advocate, the following programme of practical Imperialism :

1. The adoption of an Imperial code of identical laws upon naturalisation, patents, copyrights, weights and measures, etc.

2. The creation of some scheme of State-aid to Emigration.

3. The establishment of some sort of commercial union, probably begun by preferential trade, between the several units of the Empire.

4. Increased contributions of ships, men, and money from self-governing States towards Imperial Defence.

5. The establishment of fast lines of steamships between Canada, Australia, South Africa, and the United Kingdom, convertible into auxiliary cruisers in time of war; to be subsidised conjointly by the Imperial and State Governments.

6. Further increased postal facilities for newspapers and magazines.

7. The creation of an Imperial commercial bureau, probably connected with the Imperial Institute, to obtain and send out information concerning the trade and commerce of the Empire and foreign countries, to endeavour by various means to obtain closer and better commercial relations between the countries of the Empire, to have its headquarters in London, and branches throughout the British dominions.

8. The laying down of some general standard applicable to the conferring of degrees from the universities of the Empire, and in the same way to provide qualifications in the several learned professions.

9. The reform of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council; or the establishment of an Imperial Supreme Court to take its place.

10. The uniformity in some branches of statute law, especially commercial law, dealing with merchant shipping, etc.

11. Uniformity of Imperial cable rates.