Lord Seaham here broadly states that it was his intention to send directions, and the expression of his wishes to his father's 'tenantry,' and yet his lordship unblushingly sends this letter to the newspapers for publication!

Not content with domineering over the county voters, the Tory gentry, in some districts, have ordered lists to be made of those tradesmen resident in boroughs who should support Liberal candidates, and gave notice that their tenants should not deal with them nor support them in the smallest degree. So barefaced were they in the neighbourhood of Berwick, that an admonitory article, of which the following is a correct copy, was inserted in the local Tory journal.

'We are aware that there are a few of the shopkeepers associating themselves with his (Mr. Forster, the Liberal's) party; and it is a singular fact that, amongst them are to be found parties who, perhaps more than most others, derive their support from the agriculturists. But these parties will do well to pause and reflect. We understand, and we give timely warning of the fact, that a list of those tradesmen of Berwick who may vote for the free-trade candidate, will be carefully circulated amongst the agriculturists of the neighborhood and surrounding districts; so that, if they are base and ungrateful enough to assist in injuring their best friends, those friends may know by whom they have been betrayed. The franchise is entrusted not to be be exercised in carrying out party feelings, but for the public advantage!

Lord Howick, at the conclusion of the Northumberland election, in the presence of the accused parties, thus exhibited the unconstitutional conduct of the Tory proprietors of that county.

I do charge upon my opponents that they have adopted undue means of influencing electors: and I confess that I listened with the utmost astonishment to the address which has just been made by Lord Ossulston. I could not believe that he would conclude his remarks without adverting in the very slightest degree to those circumstances which have lately taken place upon Lord Tankerville's estate at Wark. .... You all heard Lord Ossulston say, that on Lord Tankerville's estate no person should suffer. He said nothing for his friends, and, in the same manner, Mr. Cresswell answered only for his own estate. After that, I was fully prepared to expect that the influence of other proprietors would be used in the most unsparing manner, and certainly that expectation has not been disappointed. You are all aware with what extreme want of all reserve or concealment the great power of our neighbor at the castle has been exercised. But for this, I say, I was prepared. What I did expect was, that the little miserable pledge which was given, would at least be faithfully observed. But what has been the fact? There are, in the village of Wark, a considerable number of electors.

They hold houses and land under Lord Tanker

ville, and are in a great degree dependent on their landlord. All these persons, with two or three exceptions, had promised to divide their votes between me and Lord Ossulston; but, instead of being permitted to do so, gentlemen residing in the neighborhood, in the first instance, took every means in their power to induce them to break their promises; and, all these means being found insufficient, Lord Ossulston himself appeared amongst them, and so strongly pressed upon them to withdraw the votes which they had promised to me, that, with five honorable exceptions, they were induced to do so.'

Lord Howick from henceforth will, we trust, become an advocate for the ballot; and we believe that the experience of June 1841 will have produced salutary impressions upon the minds of other Liberal lords, who have not hitherto supported protection in the exercise of the elective franchise.

The following address, published by the operative cotton spinners of Bolton, is worthy of peculiar attention:

To the friends of humanity and justice.-We, the committee for the operative cotton spinners of Bolton and its neighborhood, appeal to you on behalf of our fellow-workmen, who have become the victims of Tory tyranny and oppression. Since the election terminated in this borough, the bread-taxers have carried out the principle of exclusive dealing to a frightful extent. One of the most striking instances is that of fifteen of Messrs. Bolling's spinners having been thrown out of employment. And for what? Because they had the courage to use their conscientious judgment in the exercise of that privilege which the law of the land has given them in the choice of their representatives in parliament. A considerable portion of these men have been in a state of half starvation a long time prior to losing their employment, and are now almost destitute of food, clothing, bedding, and furniture. Englishmen must these men perish? No! exclaims the voice of humanity as well as justice; and we presume the kindness of a benevolent public will at once respond to this call. No; they shall not perish, but live. We hope that every man whose bosom is animated with one spark of true patriotism will lend their aid to protect these victims of cruel oppression. We intend, in a few days, to lay before the public the particulars of the condition of these men, and the manner in which they were discharged from their employment.

'SAMUEL HAWORTH, Chairman.'

As an instance of the petty things that Tory gentlemen will stoop to do, here is a note sent by an ex-sheriff of the city of York to a barber who voted for the Liberal candidate, Mr. Redhead Yorke :

'Mr. Hornby desires that Mr. Summerwell will send his bill in for shaving, and never enter Mr. Hornby's doors any more.

Tuesday afternoon.'

This note was sent to his house immediately after the poor barber had voted.

If space admitted we might have quoted from the speeches of Col. Bruen, M.P. for the county of Carlow and others, direct admissions of interference with their tenantry; we shall content ourselves, however, with adducing one other document which was publicly read at Derby by Lord Waterpark, and which affords a slight clue to the policy pursued by the Tories generally:

Wirksworth Committee Room, June 26, 1841.

Thomas Frost, I am very sorry to hear that you are likely to offend your old master by allowing your son to vote for Gisborne and Waterpark; because he had spoken to me about obtaining for you the premium for long service at the next agricultural meeting, in which I should assist him; and I should be very sorry if you should lose £4 4s. by any such proceedings. Yours truly,

R. CRESWELL.'

The public journals abound with accounts of outrages perpetrated at the elections; many of which were attended with loss of life, and destruction of property. The Tories charge the Whigs with unconstitutional violence; the Whigs lay the same crime to the charge of their accusers. On the admissions and allegations of both parties, the late elections were attended with numberless exhibitions of brute force, calculated to degrade the nation in the eyes of foreign states, to debase the character of the people, and to prevent the fair expression of public opinion. We cannot dwell upon these things, nor can we do more than allude to the bribery and corruption which stalked abroad in open day, so as to go far in justifying the statement of the 'Examiner,' that 'the country has sold itself to the highest bidder! These facts, taken together, surely suggest a total change in our mode of conducting elections; and afford irresistible arguments in favor of the remedial measures we have so often suggested. We must at present content ourselves with a bare enumeration of them.

1. Abolition of canvassing.

2. Abolition of distinctive colors, processions, music, and banners.

3. Abolition of the useless custom of taking a show of hands. 4. Adoption of the ballot.

It is futile to object that the secresy thus obtained is unEnglish. So till recently were bribery and intimidation, at least they were so reputed, and if practised, it was in holes and corners, and with an obvious solicitude to avoid detection. The case, however, is now far different, and we must remodel our procedure accordingly. If Tory landlords will abuse the power

which their wealth gives them, their tenantry and tradespeople must be protected from injustice, though it be at the expense of what is fondly termed the legitimate influence of property. If the rights of electors are incompatible with the interests of the aristocracy, the latter must give way. Better far that the few be deprived of the power they abuse, than that the independence and honesty of millions should be sacrificed.

The events of the past, however, now give way to anticipations of the future. The Tories have already begun to divide the spoil; their journals having published lists of the embryo cabinet. They calculated upon accession to office before the opening of the house; but the address of Lord John Russell to the citizens of London has undeceived them. His lordship declares it to be the intention of her Majesty's present ministry to take the sense of the new house on the great financial questions upon which an appeal has been made to the country. The Tories are incensed at this determination; not so much for the trivial delay in the accomplishment of their wishes which it will occasion, but because Sir R. Peel, and many of his friends, fear nothing so much as being forced into a decided and premature course with reference to free trade. The Tory leader would like to have his hands free and the road clear, in order that if necessary, he might fall back upon a revision of the import duties. It is remarkable that the great Tory organ, 'The Times,' declared no further back than the 19th ult., that it still adhered to its old opinions on the corn laws and free trade, which it said, 'will doubtless have fair play whatever party may be in 'power.' The Whig ministry have resolved wisely then; and the Tories may now prepare for an energetic struggle, which, it is not difficult to foresee, will end in the ultimate triumph of free trade.

'As no ministers of the crown can stand without the confidence of the House of Commons,' Lord John Russell observes in his manifesto, our retirement from office will immediately follow the condemnation of our policy. In this altered position it would be inconsistent with my notions of public duty to harass the government of the day by vexatious opposition; still less to deny to the crown the means of maintaining the reputation of the country abroad, and internal quiet

at home.

But when the great principles of religious, civil, and commercial liberty come into question, those principles must be firmly and fearlessly supported. Whatever party may be in power, they are so inseparably connected with the progress of society, that-although the country may doubt, may pause, may ponder-it will examine, discuss, and finally adopt them.'

Lord John Russell alludes to the vassalage of the county

constituencies, and the great sacrifices made in many places by reformers in defence of Liberal policy. Let the ministry take a step farther, and advise the crown to insert in the forthcoming royal speech a paragraph recommending the attention of parliament to measures for the protection of electors in the exercise of the franchise. Such a step would carry dismay into the ranks of the adversary, and hasten the time when ELECTIONS SHALL BE FREE,' as our forefathers of 1688 declared they should be. We subjoin a table showing the relative state of parties from 1832 to 1841.

The Revelation of God in his Word; shown in a Graphic Delineation of Holy Scripture for its Friends and Enemies. Translated from the German of Dr. T. W. Gess, Assistant at Beutlingen, and Director of the School Conference. By W. Brown, A.M., Minister, Tobermore.

This is the thirty-first volume of the Edinburgh Biblical Cabinet; and consists chiefly of a concise account of the several books of the Old and New Testaments. If the reader conceive of the preliminary observation sto those books in Henry's Commentary, or in Bagster's Comprehensive Bible, as being somewhat enlarged and improved, and printed in a separate volume, he will have a toleralby correct idea of the work before us. Dr. Gess's graphic delineation' may be useful to Bible classes, and is a very proper book for the use of the higher classes in our Sunday-schools: but if the student be beguiled into the purchase of this work in the hope of obtaining a volume of Biblical criticism, he will be utterly disappointed.

VOL. X.

R