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The early book, as has been said already, is divided into series of names arranged according to rank or clerical degree. The divisions are as follows:

1. Nomina regum uel ducum (f. 12), 101 names.

2. Nomina reginarum et abbatissarum (ff. 13, 14), 198


3. Nomina anchoritarum (f. 15), 28 names.

4. Nomina abbatum gradus presbyteratus (ff. 15d., 16), 68 names.

5. Nomina abbatum gradus diaconatus (f. 16d.), 9 names.

6. Nomina abbatum (f. 17), 99 names.

7. Nomina praesbyterorum (ff. 18d.-21), 372 names. 8. Nomina diaconorum (f. 23), 40 names.

9. Nomina clericorum (ff. 24-33), 1,175 names. 10. Nomina monachorum (ff. 34-42), 1,029 names.

The names are arranged in three columns, each of which contains twenty-one names, except upon the pages on which the titles of the divisions are written at their beginning; in these the title occupies the top line, and there are only twenty names to the column.

An omission which is at once apparent is that of the names of bishops. It seems probable that this was intentional, and that these were recorded in a separate form. We have seen that there is evidence for the existence of an episcopal diptych at Reims in the tenth century, and it may be assumed that at Lindisfarne there was either such a diptych, or that the names of bishops were inscribed in the mass-book at the appropriate liturgical place. The omission was remedied in the twelfth century, when the names of 29 bishops and archbishops were added in two vacant columns on f. 16. This is a list of the prelates who may be regarded as the successive primates of Northumbria. Beginning with Paulinus, it bridges over the interval between his flight from the north and the consecration of the second bishop of the Deiran see with Aidan and his three successors at Lindisfarne. With Ceadda and Wilfrid the

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list returns to York. After Wilfrid Eata, the fifth bishop of Lindisfarne, is inserted; but from this point the line of York is followed regularly from Bosa, consecrated in 678, to Thomas II (1109-1114), with the omission of the second Wilfrid and the second Eanbald. That the name of Cuthbert occurs neither here nor elsewhere in the book is easily explained by the fact that it was unnecessary to place the name of the saint under whose invocation the church stood in a list of this kind.

On f. 42 there is a list, evidently of monks of Durham, in three columns, headed by the names of the three bishops who ruled the see from 1071 to 1133, Walcher (Gualgerus), William of Saint-Calais, and Ranulf Flambard. These names are followed by those of Aldwin and Turgot, priors of Durham, and of Aelfwin and Reinfred, the monks with whom Aldwin settled at Jarrow about 1074. Above this list of 61 names, is that of Flambard's successor, Geoffrey Rufus, at the end of an inserted paragraph which begins with William Warelwast, bishop of Exeter 1107-1137. William of Sainte-Barbe and Hugh Puiset are written in, with other names on the top margin, and it is possible that 'Joħis pictauensis epc,' interlined between the two early names at the head of the second original column, is a mistake for 'Phs,' i.e. Philip of Poitou, bishop of Durham 1197–1208.1 Later than this, any systematic attempt at keeping names together almost ceased; the name of bishop Richard of Bury occurs at the top of f. 61; but nothing more was written on the leaf for many years, and the names that follow are purely miscellaneous. A glance at any part of the book from f. 42 onwards will show the lack of method with which it was kept. In spite of occasional lists in columns, e.g. the late fourteenth-century lists headed Seculares and Regulares on ff. 68d., 69, names are crowded

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in promiscuously where there is room for them, and the illustrious name of John of Gaunt is entered on a vacant space on f. 68.


In view of what has been said of confraternity books, it is interesting to notice the evidence which the book gives of confraternity between Durham and other monasteries. At the head of f. 48 are written the conditions of agreement between William of Saint-Calais and Vitalis, abbot of Westminster, which can be dated between 1081 and 1085:

This is the treaty made between William, bishop of Durham, and dan Vitalis, abbot of Westminster. If any of them [or their successors] die, let there be done for him in both monasteries as for the bishop or abbot of the same monastery. And, when any monk of Durham dies, let there be done for him at Westminster seven full offices in the convent, and let each priest sing a mass for him. Let the other brethren sing for him, each a psalter, and let the lay [brethren] who know not the psalter sing for him, each a hundred and fifty times, Pater noster. And this same shall the monks of Durham do for the monks of Westminster. And Turstin, archdeacon of Durham, shall be partaker in this covenant.

The agreements with Fécamp (f. 48) and St. Stephen's, Caen (f. 48d.), followed the same lines, with less detail. With St. Peter's at Gloucester and with the cathedral priory at Winchester, represented by bishop Walkelin (f. 48), the covenant was for seven full offices of the dead, and the recitation of Verba mea, i.e. the penitential psalms, for a week. In addition to the seven offices, the monks of Christ Church at Canterbury (f. 48d.) undertook to say Verba mea for thirty days, while each monk in priest's orders was to say three masses, and each of the others a psalter. Glastonbury and Selby (f. 48d.) pledged themselves to three masses in convent; each priest was to say a mass, the clerks fifty psalters, and lay brethren Pater noster fifty times. Arrangements with the small houses at Lastingham and Hackness occur with these, and on f. 33d. are recorded agreements with individual monks of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, and

St. Mary's, York, with the monks of Saint-Calais, Chertsey, York, and Pershore. Preferential treatment was given to monks of certain houses, e.g. to a monk of Coventry (f. 48). Thus three monks of Winchester (f. 48), Serlo of Hackness (f. 48d.), and others were honoured with thirty full offices, as though they had actually been monks of Durham, and this treatment was extended to each monk of Lastingham. The covenant with a secular, Wulfram, canon of St. Paul's (f. 33d.), was of the same kind: for each deceased monk of the church of Durham he shall say thirty masses, and, when he is dead, each monk shall say thirty masses for him.'


Immediately preceding the memorandum of the covenant with Wulfram is a note of another covenant with an individual person, dan Gregory the scrivener (scriptor), of Bermondsey, apparently a monk of that priory. The convent of Durham promised him at his death seven full offices in the convent and three masses from each priest: 'The rest shall do of the psalms as much as pertains hereunto, and he shall do likewise.' Whether he was responsible for three masses, as well as an appropriate quota of psalms, on behalf of each deceased monk of Durham, does not appear. The text indicates that psalms were all that were required of him, and it is quite likely that he was not in priest's orders.

More interesting than this, as it brings us into contact with lay confratres, is the bond between the monastery and Malcolm, king of Scots, which occurs in the middle of the memoranda on fo. 48d.:

This is the covenant which the convent of St. Cuthbert has promised to Malcolm, king of Scots, and to queen Margaret, and to their sons and daughters, to keep for ever. To wit that, on behalf of the king and queen, while they are alive, one poor man shall be nourished daily, and likewise two poor men shall be maintained for them on Thursday in Holy week (in caena domini) at the common maundy, and a collect said at the litanies and at mass. Further, that they both, in this life and after, both they and their sons and daughters, shall be partakers in all things.

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that be to the service of God in the monastery of St. Cuthbert, in masses, to wit, in psalms and alms, vigils, prayers, and in all things that are of this sort. And for the king and queen severally, from the day of their death there shall be thirty full offices of the dead in the convent, and Verba mea shall be done every day, and each priest shall sing thirty masses, and each of the rest ten psalters; and their anniversary shall be celebrated as a festival year by year, like that of king Athelstan.

This grant to these noble benefactors is the most extensive of all. The date is obviously before 1093; and the grants of confraternity recorded here were made, at any rate for the most part, by bishop William of Saint-Calais. This, as will be noted presently, has a definite bearing upon the history of the book.

At this point, however, notice should be taken of the long and interesting documents on ff. 49-51, and on ff. 44 and 46d., which may be translated in order.

I, William, having by the grace of God obtained the see of the bishopric of St. Cuthbert, found the land thereof almost desolate, and beheld the place which the presence of his sacred body glorifies despitefully abandoned to a service more careless than should beseem his holiness. For I found there neither monks of his order nor canons regular. Wherefore, being oppressed with grievous sorrow, I besought God and St. Cuthbert with urgent prayer to help me to amend and, so helping, to perfect the unseemly things that I had seen, So the elders and most prudent men of the whole bishopric, being asked by me how matters at St. Cuthbert's were in the beginning, made answer that his episcopal see had been in the isle of Lindisfarne, and that, both in his lifetime and after his burial there, monks had done him service with reverence; and with their statement the book of his life and the ecclesiastical history of the English nation are both in agreement. Long time after this, cruel hands of barbarous men laid waste not only this, but other places round about, and with unhallowed daring put to slaughter the noble company of that monastery. But not without punishment; for in a short time they all, terribly smitten

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