some gentlemen on the other side seemed to apprchend. When he took into consideration the immense wealth of this country, and the natural and légitimate growth of that wealth, so much superior to the produce of rapacity and plunder, he could not but entertain the hope, founded in justice and in nature, of its solidity. This hope was strengthened by collateral considerations, when he looked to the great increase of our maritime power; when he contemplated the additional naval triumphs that we had obtained; when he looked to the brilliant victories of our armies, gained over the flower of the troops of France,-troops which, in the opinion of many, were invincible-when he reflected upon these glorious achievements, though he could not but lament our disappointment in some objects, he had the satisfaction of thinking that we had added strength to our security, and lustre to our national character. Since the treaty which had taken place at Lisle, we had increased in wealth and commerce. But there were some important events which had given the greatest consolidation to our strength, and as such, should not be forgotten. The destruction of the power of Tippoo Sultaun in India, who had fallen a victim to his attachment to France, and his perfidy to us, would surely be thought an important achievement. It had fre quently been observed, that great dangers frequently produced, in nations of a manly cast of mind, great and noble exertions: so when the most unparalleled danger threatened the sister kingdom, the feelings of a common cause between the people of both countries had enabled them to overcome prejudices, some of them perhaps laudable, and all of them deep-rooted, and led to that happy union, which adds more to the power and strength of the British empire, than all the conquests of one and indivisible France do to that country. These were consolations which he wished to recall to the recollection of those who entertained gloomy apprehensions about the strength and resources of Great Britain.

If any additional proofs were wanting to prove her ability to protect her honour and maintain her interests, let gentlemen look to the last campaign, and they would see Great Britain

contending against a powerful confederacy in the North; they would see her fighting for those objects at once in Egypt and in, the Baltic, and they would see her successful in both. We had shewn, that we were ready to meet the threatened invasion at home, and could send troops to triumph over the French in the barren sands of Egypt, before a man could escape from Toulon, to reinforce their blocked up army; we had met the menaced invasion by attacking France on her own coasts, and we had seen those ships which were destined for the invasion of this country moored and chained to their shores, and finding protection only in their batteries. These were not only sources of justifiable pride, but grounds of solid security. What might be the future object of the Chief Consul of France, he knew not; but if it were to exercise a military despotism, he would venture to predict, that he would not select this country for the first object of his attack; and if we were true to ourselves we had little to fear from that attack, let it come when it would, But though he did not entertain apprehensions, yet he could not concur with those who thought we ought to lay aside all caution; if such policy were adopted, there would indeed be ground for most serious apprehensions he hoped every measure would be adopted, which prudence could suggest, to do away animosity between the two countries, and to avoid every ground of irritation by sincerity on our part. This, however, on the other hand, was not to be done by paying abject court to France. We must depend for security only upon ourselves. If, however, the views of France were correspondent with our own, we had every prospect of enjoying a long peace. He saw some symptoms that they were, though upon this he had no certain knowledge; but he would never rely upon personal character for the security of his country. He was inclined to hope every thing that was good, but he was bound to act as if he feared otherwise.

He concluded by giving his assent to the motion.

The question upon the address was afterwards put, and agreed to without a division.

April 5, 1802.

THE Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Addington) having opened the Budget, and moved, at the conclusion of his speech, a resolution for raising the sum of twenty-five millions by way of loan,

Mr. Whitbread took this occasion to express his satisfaction at the favourable terms on which the loan had been negociated, and congratulated the House, that the day was at last come, when "the solid system of finance," which had so often formed a subject of exultation to the right honourable gentleman opposite, (Mr. Pitt), but which the country had found to be so odious and so oppressive, was to be abolished. The repeal of such a tax at the present moment [the Chancellor of the Exchequer had expressed his intention of moving the repeal of the Income Tax] he contended could be considered in no other light than that of a severe sarcasm on the conduct of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer.

MR. PITT:

Sir, it will not be necessary for me to trespass long upon the indulgence of the committee, because there appears to be very little, and indeed I hardly think it possible that there should be much, difference of opinion on the present subject. But I wish to say a few words, in consequence of what has fallen from the honourable gentleman who spoke last, though perhaps the committee will agree with me in thinking, that what has been said respecting me, can hardly call for any animadversion on my part. The honourable gentleman has referred rather inaccurately, in my opinion, to certain expressions which he supposes me to have used in 1792. But the tendency of the language to which he alludes, was an expression, not only of my confident reliance, but of my earnest hopes of the continuance of the peace which we then enjoyed. It is certainly true, Sir, that at that period there was not a man living in this kingdom, who felt more his personal happiness engaged in realizing that happy prospect which then opened itself to this country, than I did—that prospect of the continued operation of our increasing wealth, our increasing commerce, our in. creasing resources, which had been the happy result of ten years

* Mr. Whitbread.

of economy, of labour, of firmness, and of wisdom, on the part of parliament, in their endeavours to cultivate the arts of peace, to augment the revenue, and to ameliorate the condition of the people of this country, and which they hoped to follow up with no other task but that of steadily reinforcing the sinking fund for the diminution of the public debt, and of taking off those taxcs which then pressed most heavily upon the laborious part of the community. Have I then, Sir, any very serious, any very criminal charge to answer to, if with some degree of fondness I did indulge the hope that those distractions which then desolated France, founded upon principles which I then thought, and which every man must now admit, were directly contrary to those on which our happiness and prosperity were grounded, contrary to that system on which our excellent constitution was founded, and contrary to the general sense of the people of this country-can I, Sir, I say, have any very serious or criminal charge to answer to, if, under such circumstances, I did indulge a hope that those blessings we then enjoyed might not be interrupted? This hope I was not singular in indulging; it was a hope entertained in common with me by men who have sometimes been the objects of the obloquy, sometimes of the reverence of the honourable gentlemen opposite to me, men who went beyond me in horror and detestation (if any men could go beyond me) of those principles which were then disseminated in France, but who certainly went beyond me in their opinions of the measures by which those principles were to be resisted and defeated-I allude, Sir, to the late Mr. Burke, and those who thought with him. He thought that France would, in a political sense, become a blank in the map of Europe. That man, whose great and prophetic mind had enabled him to obtain a glimpse of those unexampled horrors and crimes which have since desolated France-he thought, that however dreadful those convulsions might be to herself, they would present to foreign countries nothing but weakness and imbecility. If, Sir, at that moment I did entertain the opinion which has been attributed to me, it is an error of which now, upon reflection, I have no occa sion to repent, because it did not betray me into any disregard of

my duty. I cannot, however, but hope that the honourable gentleman (in some moment of candour, when he refers again to this subject) will find in what he has now advanced against me as a charge, something like an answer to those repeated calumnies which the honourable gentleman and his friends have been in the habit of pouring forth against me, (without being aware of it, no doubt) insinuating that I was insensible of the blessings of peace, and anxious to involve this country in a war with France.

I certainly did not wish to trouble the committee with these observations, but the honourable gentleman has driven me to it :he has driven me to recall to the recollection of the committee the task which was imposed upon me at that period, to swerve from that system which I wished to pursue, and to abandon those prospects which I hoped to realize, by entering into a war with France; a task by which I was compelled, instead of being the humble but willing instrument for promoting the beneficent views of his Majesty and of parliament, for promoting the happiness and prosperity of the people-compelled, I say, to abandon that system, to forego those hopes, and to use those resources which were meant to augment the advantages, and secure the blessings of peace, for the purpose of maintaining our independence, of preserving our existence, of defending our honour, and of meeting with and contending against the most gigantic system of aggression that ever threatened the overthrow of civilized society, and the desolation of the world; and which was more particularly directed against this country, its character and constitution, as its peculiar victim. There were many who at that time were sanguine enough to hope, that from the violence of the convulsion its duration would be but short. My hopes are, I confess, seldom among the least sanguine; but I trust that I never enter upon any great work, trusting alone to my own hopes. But from the beginning, I did state that whatever might be the encouraging ground of hope which we possessed, hopes which have been disappointed by events con trary to all human probability, and contradictory to every rational system of chance-I did, I say, distinctly state to the house, that it was a contest on which we ought not to enter without being fully