deputies, and other persons of respectability, would go round from house to house, in their respective districts, and solicit the people to come forward. This I know I am not too sanguine in believing would effectually accomplish, within one month, the ends we have in view without any compulsion whatever, particularly when they are apprized fully of the necessity for their service; when they are encouraged by the advice of their superiors; and when they have the satisfaction of knowing that the legislature have deemed their country's danger demands it, Much has been said of the danger of arming the people. I confess that there was a time when that fear would have had some weight; but there never was a time when there could have been any fear of arming the whole people of England, and particularly not under the present circumstances. I never, indeed, entertained any apprehensions from a patriot army regularly officered, according to the manner specified in the measure before the house, however I might hesitate to permit the assemblage of a tumultuary army otherwise constituted. From an army to consist of the round bulk of the people, no man who knows the British character could have the least fear-if it even were to include the disaf fected; for they would bear so small a proportion to the whole, as to be incapable of doing mischief, however mischievously disposed. There was indeed a time when associations of traitors, systematically organized, excited an apprehension of the consequences of a sudden armament of the populace: but that time is no more, and the probability is now, as occurred in the case of the volunteers, that, if there are still any material number of disaffected, by mixing them with the loyal part of the community, the same patriotic zeal, the same submission to just authority will be soon found to pervade the whole body, and that all will be equally anxious to defend their country or perish in the attempt;-that the good and the loyal will correct the vicious disposition of the disaffected, will rectify their errors, and set right their misguided judgments. We may thus enlist those among our friends, who would otherwise, perhaps, become the auxiliaries of our enemy. Under all these circumstances, Mr. Pitt said, he felt that the ob jections urged upon this score were not tenable, and that they ought not to have any weight against a measure which was neces sary to the preservation of public order and private happiness. Leave was given, nemine contradicente, to bring in the bill:which was then brought in, and read a first time. July 22, 1803. THE General Defence bill was this day read a third time. On the question that "the bill should pass," and after Colonel Crawford and the Secretary at War had delivered their sentiments upon it, MR. PITT rose: It is not my intention, Mr. Speaker, to trouble the house at any considerable length, but I cannot avoid submitting a few observations upon what fell from the honourable officer, and from my right honourable friendt. Much, Sir, of what has fallen from the gallant officer is entitled to great attention, and entirely meets my approbation; but I must observe, that these considerations are not now for the first time introduced. With regard to the best means of national defence, such as a selection of the great leading posts, an examination of the most effectual means of operation to resist the progress of an enemy if he had landed ;-upon all these points, though perhaps much may remain to be done, yet certainly government is not without ample foundation of information upon this subject, which has been long since obtained, and which I hope is every day increasing. It is impossible but that considerations of this kind must have occurred to government formerly; for though the danger of invasion was never so imminent or so pressing in the last war as it is at present; though the enemy had not then so long an opportunity of fixing his attention to this one object, that is to say, the destruction of this country, without being dis Colonel Crawford. + The Secretary at War. turbed by the danger of continental attack; though the scale of action which was found necessary at that period can be no criterion of the degree of preparation which is now necessary; yet even then it could not be supposed that his Majesty's ministers, in their general superintendence of the defensive means of the country, which was all that belonged to the civil servants of the crown, or that the illustrious personage who fortunately for the country then presided and now presides over the military department, that the variety of very able generals who had commands in the different districts of the kingdom, did not turn their most serious attention to a subject of such infinite importance as that of securing the kingdom against the possibility of foreign invasion, and to adopt such means as, with the force the country then possessed, would secure the defeat of any enterprise which might be attempted. There is hardly one military district in the kingdom of which the government have not at this moment in its possession ample memorials, prepared a considerable time before the termination of the late war, under the auspices of the illustrious commander in chief of his Majesty's land forces, containing a minute statement of the various points of resistance which are to be found on the coasts, and also all the intermediate points of military defence between the different coasts and the capital. Ministers, I know, have now in their possession similar reports with regard to those counties which contain the great naval arsenals of the kingdom. They have also memorials upon the very subject alluded to by the honourable gentleman, that of protecting the mouths of our harbours, and particularly that of the mouth of the Humber; and, what I think of more importance still, though more remote, I mean the defence of Newcastle, which, from its connexion with the wants of the capital, is obviously of such importance that it cannot be necessary to enlarge upon it. It is hardly necessary, Sir, to recal to the recollection of the house, the names of the gallant officers who had the commands of the different districts in the last war; but if I do state them, it Colonel Crawford. must be immediately seen that in such hands it was utterly impossible that the best means of providing for the national security should not have been maturely discussed and arranged. It will be recollected, that in the course of the last war we had the advantage of the talents of Sir Charles Grey, who commanded in the north. In the southern districts we had the advantage, at one period of the war at least, of all the suggestions of the Duke of Richmond; of whom, whatever differences of opinion may be entertained on some points, yet, with respect to the accuracy of his researches, the length of his experience, and to the extensiveness of his knowledge, there can be no difference of opinion. Besides these officers, we had General Dundas, who, from his situation, had the means of extending his views over all the districts. During a period of the war also, the Marquis Cornwallis had the command, besides many other very able officers, whom it is not now necessary to enumerate. Having the benefit of such assistance and distinguished military talents, it is impossible to suppose that we had not at that time a great mass of military information, and which must furnish ample and abundant foundation for the officers now employed to work upon when we have all these means of information, I cannot suppose but that we must have also the means of bringing forward whatever may be considered as necessary to improve the defence of the country. I have already admitted that although much has been done, still much material improvement may be ingrafted upon these plans which have been already procured. I hope and trust they will experience new improvements from day to day; that they will receive new forms and consistency; that ministers will not stop short until they have arranged a scheme of national safety that shall for ever set to rest the vaunts and threats of a foe whose ambition knows no limits, and whose spirit of insolence and aggression knows no end. There are many changes that may be made, there are many improvements that may be adopted at a proper period, but there are many of them such as I should not think it prudent to attempt, in the course of this contest, and at a time so pregnant with danger, I cannot here, Sir, avoid, for my own satisfaction, making a few bservations upon some of the advantages which the army has reeived from the indefatigable attention of the illustrious person ow at its head, combined with the measures which have been dopted by parliament: I think we may be said to have laid the oundation of means to obtain intelligent officers. We have laid he foundation of military education and instruction, not only for young men who may enter into that profession, but even for communicating information to men of long standing and high rank in he army, who, much to their honour, have eagerly availed themelves of this opportunity of perfecting their military education. The advantages arising from the military academies do not now rest on calculation or prediction; they have been felt and experienced; the study of a few months has made many officers almost proficients in the details of war: many officers who in Egypt gave the most splendid proof, not only of their courage, but also of their military skill, had the advantage only of a few months instruction in that military academy. We have, besides, laid the foundation of a great regular army: we have provided another most extensive force to support that army. I am ready to admit to the honourable officer*, that our regular army is not quite so great as we could wish in this country, but we have provided means for augmenting it to a degree much greater than was ever known in this country; and in addition to all this, we are now providing an immense irregular force, the advantages to be derived from which are admitted and confirmed by the honourable officer himself, being indeed too obvious to be disputed by any one. As far, therefore, as relates to the description and to the extent of our force, parliament has provided means, which to the honourable officer himself (cautious, honourably cautious, and anxious as he is for the safety of his country,) appear sufficient to place this country in a state of absolute safety. All this is undoubtedly matter of great consolation; but at the same time it will not justify us in diminishing our anxiety, or in relaxing our efforts, for * Colonel Crawford. |