Cadiz, and from thence, as of course it would, to the coffers of, France; suppose the two fleets of France and Spain had joined ; suppose, what indeed is not probable, but still possible, that, being so joined, and superior in force, they might have defeated our blockading squadron, or had, by winds favourable to them and adverse to us, crossed the channel, and brought a large fleet of transports, and, proceeding in an expedition against Ireland, had eluded the vigilance of our fleet, and, under a junction of favourable accidents, had been able to effect a landing there; and suppose it had been our case to day, with the intelligence of admiral Cochrane, which is now condemned by the gentlemen on the opposite side, to have appeared in parliament, after neglecting the precaution, and after suffering the serious and alarming evil to have reached us, by waiting for the explanation from Spain which the honourable gentleman recommended, and which would take six weeks, or two months to have arrived, when, in the mean time, the enemy had executed partly his purpose of invasion ;-suppose we had come to parliament to be excused for having relaxed our efforts, nd laid our case before these friends of humanity, these advces of energy and vigour, what would have been the anguage ofte gentlemen if we were to throw ourselves on the lenity of the house? The case is, however, thank God, at this time, very different indeed. It is owing to that vigilance and activity which the honourable gentleman and his friends have so severely condemned-it is to that spirit and energy that we are at this time to attribute the independence, if not the salvation of our country. I now, without further discussion of the causes of the war, submit the case to the judgment of this house, to the judgment of the country, and to the judgment of the whole world.

Mr. Grey's amendment was negatived;

Ayes...... 106

Nocs..... 313

and the original motion was then put and agreed to.

March 6, 1805.

On a motion by Mr. Sheridan, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to repeal the Additional Force Act of last year,"

MR. PITT rose, and spoke as follows:

It is not my intention, Sir, to follow the honourable gentleman* through all those various digressions, through all those multifarious observations, which, in the course of his speech, he has thought proper to introduce. The greater part of these had no sort of connexion with the question more immediately before the house, and were evidently introduced for the purpose of giving the honourable gentleman an opportunity of shewing the house how much he was capable of contributing to the entertainment of the house by illustration, which had no possible relation to the subject proposed for our present consideration. But, though I view those parts of the honourable gentleman's speech as unworthy of any detailed reply, and shall not on that account trespass long on your attention, there are one or two of the preambles to his speech, to which I feel it .cessary shortly to advert, before I ent the consideration of the motion with which the honour. gentleman concluded his speech.

The honourable gentleman thought proper to advert, in the first place, to that surprise which the notice of his motion, when it was first announced, had created on this side of the house. The honourable gentleman, perhaps, found it convenient to suppose that such surprise existed, merely with the view of turning it to the advantage of his own argument. I, for my part, know nothing of that surprise to which the honourable member has alluded, but I know that the honourable member's notice was not, in the first instance, given within the doors of this house. When it was first given, I have reason to believe, that the only emotions which it excited, were those of satisfaction; and when it was renewed in this house, I can testify, that it excited a cry of exultation. There was every

reason to think that, when the right honourable gentlemant oppo

It

site brought forward his motion, his friends were not by any means pleased at the manner in which the discussion was closed. It was with reluctance they divided on the occasion, because they were not afforded an opportunity of delivering their several opinions. They could not help voting when the question was so loudly called for; and though the honourable member who this evening opened the debate, has paid high compliments to the right honourable gentleman's eloquence, there can be no sort of doubt that he was not satisfied without an opportunity of displaying his own powers on so fertile a subject. The honourable gentleman, indeed, sufficiently shewed, from his conduct on the former debate, that he was not satisfied with the manner in which the debate was terminated. was not for nothing that the honourable member had taken so many pages of notes, not, perhaps, with the view of answering the right honourable gentleman's speech, but certainly for the purpose of explaining his own peculiar views of subjects touched on in that speech, had not some discreet mediator dissuaded him from the resolution which he had previously formed. It cannot be imagined that these notes were taken for the purpose of answering the arguments of my right honourable friend; for ten days of preparation have elapsed before the honourable gentleman has thought himself in a situation to attempt this with any thing like plausibility or success. In following this course, the honourable gentleman was no doubt encouraged by many of his friends, who were not satisfied with the right honourable gentleman's view of the business, who flattered themselves that the honourable gentleman would take up much more popular ground, and who looked forward to the prospect of triumphing under his banners. Whether these anticipations will be realized, will best appear, Sir, after we have fairly entered on the discussion of the subject. Respecting the surprise to which the honourable gentleman referred, I shall only add, that on this side of the house no feeling was entertained when the resolution of bringing forward the present motion was announced, but one, namely, that we were ready to enter on

* Mr. Canning.

the discussion at whatever period it might best suit either that or any other honourable gentleman to introduce it.

Now, Sir, as to the second of the honourable gentleman's preambles, which was evidently intended to conciliate the right honourable gentleman*, I feel it necessary to make a few observations. The honourable gentleman begins by assuring his right honourable friend that he has no wish, whatever, to state opinions contrary to those which he had laid down in his speech, and thus attempts to lull asleep all apprehension of a wish to interfere with his favourite doctrine. But hardly is this opiate given, hardly are the compliments to the right honourable gentleman's talents and eloquence uttered, before the honourable gentleman enters on a series of observations, all of which are calculated to awaken the jealousy of his right honourable friend, and to destroy even the fundamental principles of that military system in which he took so warm an interest. If I had carefully selected topics for a difference of opinion, it is not easy to see how any could have been laid hold of to mark out a more complete contrariety of opinion. The honourable gentleman has this day expressed himself in terms of the highest approbation of the variety of our military force. Now, the right honourable gentleman founded his whole military system on its uniformity, and maintains that the divisions of volunteers, of militia, and of regulars, constitute at once its disgrace and its inefficiency. The right honourable gentleman wishes the volunteer establishment to be discarded, while the honourable gentleman glories in being its advocate and champion. Here, then, on the one hand, the house are called on to look to the volunteer establishment as discarded and exploded, while on the other it is not only defended, but extolled as the grand source of the security of the empire. This surely is a pretty glaring evidence of a difference of opinion, and I leave the house to form their own reflections on the subject. But, while it is impossible not to advert to this difference between the two honourable members, I cannot help observing, that the honourable gentleman need not have recourse to all that delicacy which he has used on the present occasion. It so happens, that on every one of the leading

*Mr. Windham.

points, on which the right honourable gentleman's speech, on a former occasion, was founded, the right honourable gentleman's opinions had undergone a most important revolution. He now differs as much from himself, as it is possible for the honourable gentleman to do on any of the matters which he has this evening touched on in his speech. The augmentation of the militia, the plan of raising provisional cavalry, the measure of obtaining men for rank, as well as the call on the parishes for their quotas, all of which measures the right honourable gentleman now so strongly censures, were measures adopted when he himself was along with me a member of the cabinet, and at the same time was actually secretary at war.

I shall not now, Sir, attempt to go very much into the question, how far the opinion of the country is to be guided by the opinion expressed by an individual of acknowledged abilities and consideration. But this I feel myself entitled at least to say, that if any man not only assents to, but actually brings forward measures as a member of the cabinet, and thinks proper, after an interval of a few years, severely to censure the same measures when he is out of power, the confidence of the country in his opinion must be materially diminished. Now, Sir, in the year 1796, the right honourable gentleman not only assented to all the measures I have just alluded to, as a member of the cabinet, but joined me cordially in bringing them forward, and was willing to take his full share of all the responsibility attached to them, either in this house or in the country. He was then, as much as he possibly could be, their parliamentary author, and now he feels himself called upon to condemn them in terms of the utmost severity, Thus much, Sir, I have thought it my duty to say as to the honourable gentleman's preambles. Of his numerous digressions I shall have occasion to say a few words before I sit down; but shall, in the mean time, proceed to the real question before the house.

Before I go further, I beg leave to disclaim at the outset the view of the question really before the house, as the honourable gentleman has thought proper to state it. The question is not, whether the bill has, in all its extent, fulfilled, the object for which it was originally designed, but whether it has answered its end to