suggests at the moment, or that he has collected from othersall that he can utter in the ebullition of the moment-all that he has slept on and matured, are combined and produced for our entertainment. All his hoarded repartees-all his matured jests -the full contents of his common-place book-all his severe invectives-all his bold, hardy assertions-all that he has been trea suring up for days, for weeks, and months, he collects into one mass, which he kindles into a blaze of eloquence, and out it comes altogether, whether it has any relation to the subject in debate or not. Thus it is, with his usual felicity, that the honour able gentleman finds a new argument for the repeal of the present bill, because the house and the country have less confidence in the present than even in the late ministers. Upon this point, too, I shall say but a few words. If the honourable gentleman really thinks ministers unworthy of the confidence of parliament, he has means of founding a motion for some proceedings on this subject; but let me conjure the house, whatever they may think of me, not to wound the public service by repealing this bill merely by doing so to injure the minister. Whether I possess the confidence of parliament or the country, or not, certainly this is not the mode of determining it. But, Sir, it is rather whimsical, that at the very moment the honourable gentleman is saying that I do not now possess the confidence of parliament and the country, he is paying me an involuntary compliment, by owning that at least I formerly enjoyed that confidence. It is however, rather unfortu nate, that there is not a single opprobrious epithet that the honourable gentleman has now employed against me, which on almost every disputed point he did not lavish on me at that very period when he allows I possessed the confidence of parliament and the country-a confidence then expressed by four-fifths and ninetenths of the country. The honourable gentleman has thought proper to allude, too, to the composition of the ministry; and here I must again beg leave to wave the discussion. I desire the house and the country to look to the connexions, to the constitutional agreements or differences, to the habits, to the general views

of those who compose the present administration, compared with other connexions of certain honourable gentlemen on the other side, and then I am ready to abide by their candid decision.

The honourable gentleman takes a great deal of merit to himself for the generous, magnanimous, and disinterested support which he afforded a noble friend of mine while at the head of affairs. I will allow that the honourable gentleman did support my noble friend with a few speeches and votes, probably when they were not wanted, and my noble friend is doubtless under obligations to him for his magnanimity. I believe, however, the honourable gentleman was not at all backward in giving his votes, when my noble friend was forced to resign the helm of affairs, and in this most likely he displayed his disinterested conduct. The honourable gentleman next passes on to another noble friend of minet, who, according to a phrase, which I can find no where but in the school of jacobinism, was cashiered from being secretary for foreign affairs, to be secretary for the home department. On this point it will be necessary for me to say but a very few words. An arrangement did no doubt take place in his Majesty's government, but that arrangement was made with the free will and entire concurrence of that individual, and it was never proposed with any other intention: how then can the noble lord be said to have been cashiered? So far from my having ever harboured any thing like sentiments of disrespect for that noble lord, I have never, even when I disagreed with him on. certain measures, felt the least diminution of friendship and regard for that noble person, and far from any abatement of attachment to him having taken place, it has since been increased, if possible, by subsequent proofs of that character for which I so highly esteemed him. To the other insinuations of a similar tendency, which have dropped from the honourable gentleman, as they are wholly without any foundation, I shall make, no reply: thus much however I have thought it necessary to observe, in vindication of their characters and of my own.

But the honourable gentleman seems to rely much on his ap peal to the country gentlemen: on them he confidently calls, as under a kind of obligation, to vote against the bill; but by the motives from which he supposes that obligation to spring, the narrów motives of pecuniary considerations, I will never believe they can for a moment be actuated. I am not now to be taught what opinion I am to entertain of that most respectable class of the community. They are still distinguished in my opinion by the same sternness of character, by the same ardour for the honour of their country, by the same zeal for the public service for which they have always been conspicuous; and confident I am that they will never act on the narrow and selfish principles, which the honourable gentleman thinks them capable of being warped by. They are always serious and earnest in coming forward to expose their lives and fortunes in the just and necessary contest in which their country may be engaged, and when the constitution and liberty of the country are endangered. Such men can therefore never be actuated by mere pecuniary motives, or by paltry parochial considerations. While they no doubt wish to consult the comfort and convenience of the lower classes, their minds will also ascend to the times and circumstances in which they are or may be placed, and they undoubtedly will now feal the necessity of impressing a more military character upon the people, and will as cheerfully concur in providing for what that necessity imposes. They will not look upon the present measure in the light of a pecuniary burden, but as a part of that system. which is to contribute to that salutary end. Whenever the mea sure shall be found to operate as a pecuniary burden, I shall be the first to disclaim it, and to propose its repeal. I am persuaded however, it will have no such effect; but on the contrary, as the number raised by it will annually increase, the expense attending it will not fall on the parishes or on individuals, but will be paid out of the public fund.

Such are my views and hopes of its prospective effects; and strongly impressed with these sentiments, I shall conclude, Sir,

with giving my decided negative to the motion made by the ho

April 8, 1805.

Mr. Whitbread this day brought forward his promised motion founded off the tenth report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry; concluding a speech of great length with moving the following resolutions:

1. "That it appears to this committee, that on the 18th of June, 1782, the House of Commons in a committee of the whole house came, amongst others, to the following resolutions:

That it is the opinion of this committee, that some regulations ought to be * adopted for the purpose of lessening and keeping down the balances of public 'money, which appear to have usually been in the hands of the treasurer of the navy; and it would be beneficial to the public if the first and other clerks ⚫ in the different branches belonging to the said office, were paid by fixed and permanent salaries in lieu of all fees, gratuities, and other perquisites what

'soever.'

That it is the opinion of this committee, that from henceforward the pay• master general of his Majesty's land forces, and the treasurer of the navy, for ⚫ the time being, shall not apply any sum or sums of money imprested to them, or either of them, to any purpose of advantage or interest to themselves, either directly or indirectly.'

That it appears to this committee, that the commissioners appointed to examine, take, and state the public accounts of the kingdom, have, so far as appears from the reports which they have hitherto made, discharged the duty intrusted to them with great diligence, accuracy, and ability; and if parliament shall carry into execution those plans of reform and regulation which are suggested by the matter contained in the reports of the said commis⚫sioners, it cannot but be attended with the most beneficial consequences to the future welfare and prosperity of this kingdom.'

2. "That in furtherance of the intention of the House of Commons expressed in such resolutions, his Majesty, by his warrant dated June 26th, 1782, directed that the salary of the treasurer of the navy should be increased. to the sum of 4000l. per annum, in full satisfaction of all wages, and fees, and other profits and emoluments theretofore enjoyed by former treasurers.、

3. "That it appears to this committee, that during the treasurership of the right honourable Isaac Barré, the conditions of the aforesaid warrant were strictly complied with; that the whole of the money issued from the exchequer to Mr. Barré for naval services was lodged in the bank; that it was never drawn from thence previously to its being advanced to the sub-accountants, to be applied to the public service; that during the time Mr. Barré acted as treasurer and ex-treasurer, he had not in his possession or custody any of the public money, and that neither he nor the paymaster of the navy did derive any` profit or advantage from the use or employment thereof.

4. "That the Right Honourable Henry Dundas, now Lord Viscount Melville, succeeded to the office of treasurer of the navy on the 19th of August, 1782, when a further addition was made to the salary of the said office, in order to produce a net annual income of 4000l. after the payment of all taxes and charges on the same; and that this additional salary was considered by the said Lord Viscount Melville as granted to him in lieu of all wages, fees, profits, and other emoluments, enjoyed by former treasurers.

5. "That the said Lord Viscount Melville continued in the said office till the 10th of April, 1783; that being asked whether he derived any advantage from the use of the public money during that period, he, in his examination before the commissioners of Naval Inquiry, declined answering any question on that head, but that he has since in a letter written to the said commissioners, and dated the 28th of March last, declared that previous to 1786, he did not derive any advantage from the use or employment of any monies issued for carrying on the service of the navy,' but Mr. Douglas, who was paymaster, being dead, and his lordship having refused to answer any question on this head as aforesaid, no evidence has been obtained as to the application of monies issued for the service of the navy, or the mode of drawing the same from the bank during this period.

6. "That the honourable C. Townshend, now Lord Bayning, held the office of treasurer of the navy, from the 11th of April, 1783, to the 4th of January, 1784, and that from the examination of his lordship, it appears that, during his treasurership, no part of the money issued for the service of the navy was applied to his private use or advantage, and that he does not believe that Mr. Douglas, who acted under him as paymaster, derived any profit or advantage from the use or employment of the public money, except the money issued for the payment of exchequer fees.

7. "That the right honourable Henry Dundas was re-appointed treasurer of the navy on the 5th of January, 1784, and continued in the said office until the 1st of June, 1800.

8. "That in the year 1785, an act of parliament was passed, 25 George III. chap. 31. intituled, 'An Act for better regulating the office of treasurer of

his Majesty's Navy;' whereby it is directed, that no money shall be issped