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naturally in the middle of a word and after the accented syllable, where the consonant stood between vowels, less naturally at the end of the word, as well as in the middle and at the end in an unaccented syllable. The Anglosaxon offered reduplications of consonants in the middle, less at the end of a word, after a short syllable.

Orm, the author of the so called Ormulum, who wrote this, his metrical harmony of the gospels, as it seems, towards the end of the twelfth century in Halfsaxon language, and after every short vowel doubled the consonant with principial obstinacy, even where another consonant; either final or beginning the new syllable, followed, has not been able to force this process upon his successors; but his attempt to carry out the reduplication of consonants in his manner proves that, to the pronunciation of his contemporaries, a sharpening of vowels, even in an unaccented syllable, was not unknown, which rendered possible a representation of the manner. He writes icc, patt, piss, off, iss, magg, wipp; swille, rihht; ennglish, nemmned; tæchepp, wordess and so on. Old - English, although mostly restricting the reduplication to the accented syllable, frequently fluctuates in the reduplication of consonants, partly at the end of words, partly in the unaccented syllable, and writes lytylle, tremylle, pepylle, devylle, pokett, alongside of forms with a single consonant (MAUNDEV. and TowNELEY MYSTER.).

Reduplications are also found after a long vowel and a diphthong, as peasse (peace), greatt, greatte (great), outt, withoutten, fowlle, heylle, leyff and others (TOWNEL. MYSTER.). The sixteenth century often spells mortall, generall, tragicall, while the fourteenth frequently offers crewel, peril, spiritual. A universal principle does not prevail even at present; but it is remarked that the absence of reduplication of the consonant in the middle of a word after a short vowel of the accented syllable is met with less in Germanic than in Romance words more rarely in disyllables than in polysyllables, more frequently in more modern than in more ancient words.

With regard to the various classes of reduplicated consonants it is to be remarked that: 1. The nasal and liquid consonants were not generally reduplicated in Anglosaxon at the end of a word, although reduplicated in the middle of a word. In Old-French their reduplication, like that of the remaining consonants, was only usual before a (mute) final e. In Modern-English the reduplication in the middle of a word, even with the consonants originally single, is very common; at the end of a word, only with 7. We regard here only unjustified reduplications, and abstract from the rule by which, in syllabic inflection, and in derivation, the accented root-syllable doubles its final consonant.

In the middle of a word m and n, but especially and r are doubled: emmet (Anglosaxon âmête), limmer (Old-French

liemier, compare English limehound, from the Latin ligamen), mummy (French momie); manner (Old-French maniere), dinner (disner, dîner), kennel (chenil); yellow (Anglosaxon gelu), swallow (svelgan), follow (folgjan), gallop (OldFrench galoper), jolly (jolif), pullet (poulet, perhaps not with a reference to the Latin pullus); arrow (Anglosaxon areve, earh), marrow (mearh, mearg), quarrel (Old-French querele), garret (garite), carry (charier, although belonging to carrus), hurricane (Spanish huracan) &c. At the end of a word i is doubled in: mill (Anglosaxon mylen), till (tiljan = colere terram) and till alongside of until (Anglosaxon til, preposition and conjunction ad and donec), well (vēla, vël).

2. Lipletters appear on the whole seldom reduplicated in Anglosaxon; bb appeared most frequently in the middle and at the end of a word, where it was commonly simplified, pp was rare, If only in propernames and foreign words. In Old-French their reduplication hardly existed. In Modern-English neither er nor ww is in use, yet is found even in an unaccented final syllable developed out of a single f.

In the middle of a word only an unjustified p and b are found reduplicated, rarely ƒ, since ƒ before a vowel was wont to pass over into , but it is sometimes reduplicated before a vowel and before 1, as also b before this liquid: pepper (Anglosaxon pipor), copper (in Anglosaxon the adjective cyperen is found; on the other hand Old-Highdutch kuphar, Latin cuprum), puppy, puppet (French poupée, Latin pupa), supper (French souper), fripper, frippery (Old-French verb friper, substantive friperie &c.); gibbet (Old-French gibet), ribbon (ruban), cribble (crible), pebble (Anglosaxon pabol); at the end of the stem ƒ mostly stands reduplicated: stiff (Anglosaxon stîf), cliff (Anglosaxon clif), staff (Anglosaxon stäf), gaffle (Anglosaxon gafol); in an unaccented syllable: sheriff (Anglosaxon gerêfa), bailiff (Old-French baillif), plaintiff (plaintif), caitiff (caitif).

3. The toothletters t, d and also appear reduplicated in Anglosaxon, but commonly become single at the end. The sibilant s also shared this quality. In Old-French hardly any other sound in the interior of the root (a part from the reduplication of t appearing before a mute e) was considered except s. In Modern-English, where even the primitive d (compare the OldEnglish siththen) has been long abandoned, reduplications of single consonants often occur in the middle of a word, especially of the t, d and s, as well as of the z, whereof the last two are also reduplicated when final. A reduplication of the sh, resting principally upon the Anglosaxon sc can hardly be conceded in Old-English, where certainly ssh (fresshe), ssch (whassched [MAUNDEV.], assche [IB.]) occurs.

Reduplications in the middle of a word, where again stands as a twin consonant, are, for instance: tatter (Old-norse tetur lacera vestis, Anglosaxon tëter, tetr), shuttle (Anglosaxon sceátel); mittens (French mitaine) even in CHAUCER,

Old-Scotch mittanis; matter (Old-French matière, matere), mutton (Old-French molton, mouton), glutton (Old-French gloton, glouton, perhaps not on account of the Latin gluto, glutto): addice (Anglosaxon adese), waddle (Anglosaxon vädljan = vagari, from vadan = vadere), saddle (Anglosaxon sadul, sadl), sudden (Old-French sodain, sudain); scissors (OldFrench cisoire), lesson (leçon); frizzle (Old-French friser); at the end of a word s is frequently, z rarely reduplicated: brass (bräs), glass (gläs), grass (gräs), frizz (Old-French friser); also in an unaccented syllable: harness (Old-French harnas, harnois), cutlas (Old-French coutelas, but coutelasse

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4. Throat-sounds were reduplicated in Anglosaxon, like cc, cg for gg and hh; in Old-French single roots hardly offer guttural reduplication. Old-English had the reduplications cch= cc and gg (cacchen, grucchen, dregges, buggen, abreggen, juggen). Modern-English has in Germanic words developed the reduplication of c as ck, in others as cc or even cq (but only in composition, as in acquaintance accointance), likewise gg out of single consonants; hh, which would be a reduplicated gh, does not occur, although Old-English offers forms like ynow3gh with an apparently triple h. But, since e has partly become dental, like g, reduplications of these dentals are represented in Modern-English by tch and dg(e), which only rarely have arisen out of single consonants, and mostly in Romance words. ck, tch and dg(e) are to be met with equally in the middle and at the end of words; ce only in the middle, gg hardly ever at the end. The gutturals under these reduplications also appear regularly before 1.

Guttural reduplications, which have arisen from single consonants in the middle and at the end, are, for instance, the following: ck: chicken (cycen, cicen), reckon (Anglosaxon recnan, recnjan), fickle (ficol), knuckle (cnucle), brick (brice, French brique), suck (sûcan, sûgan); cc: succory, chiccory (French chicorée): gg: waggon and wagon (Anglosaxon vägen), haggard (Old-French hagard), juggle (OldFrench jugler), egg (Anglosaxon äg).

Reduplications of the guttural, which has become dental, in the middle and at the end of a word; tch: kitchen (Anglosaxon cycene), butcher (Old-French boucher), dutchess, alongside of duchess, pitch (Anglosaxon pic, Gothic peik), watch (Anglosaxon vacjan, vacigan); dispatch (Old-French depescher, compare impeach, Old-French empescher); dg(e): fadge (Anglosaxon fagjan), abridge (Old-French abrevier, abbregier), OldEnglish abreggen; lodge (Old-French loge, logier), Old-English logge. They are also to be met with in the unaccentuated final syllable, as in partridge, Old-English partrich &c.

Assimilation of Consonants.

The original word may undergo a change, in that one of two different consonants, mostly the final and the initial sound of two syllables, either originally standing beside each other, or else meeting together after a rejection of vowels, assimilates itself to the other, whence arises the reduplication either of the former or of the latter consonant. In general the second consonant beginning a new, even an unaccented syllable, prevails to which the preceding one is wont to join itself, although, the nasal consonant especially, rather draws the succeeding one over to itself. But English has brought over numerous assimilations from its constituent tongues.

1. The assimilation of a consonant with a nasal or liquid letter is perhaps the most frequent. Here belong:

mm instead of fm: lemman, now sometimes leman (lefmon DAME SIRIZ p. 11. levemon p. 12.), dearest, darling. Compare lammastide (Anglosaxon hlâfmesse and even hlâmmesse); instead of dm: gammer (Anglosaxon godmôdor); instead of mb: plummer alongside of plumber (French plombier), plummet &c.; instead of nm: hammock (Hollandish hangmat, -mak), grammercy! (COLLEY CIBBER) = grand' merci.

nn instead of nd: winnow (Anglosaxon vindvjan), dialectically windewe; Bennet (Benedict), bannerol alongside of bandrol (Old-French banderolle); trunnel alongside of trundle (Anglosaxon tryndel orbis); instead of nw: gunnel alongside of gunwale.

l instead lh: fullam, false die (from the name of a place Fulham); instead rl: ballast (Old-English barlest, Swedish barlast, Danish baglast).

rr instead of rn: garrison (Old-French garnison, guarnison, but also partly confounded with garison), Old-English garnison (CHAUCER); instead of dr: Derric, Derrick (Anglosaxon peódric, French Thierry); instead of thr: Surrey (Anglosaxon Sudrea, compare Old-Highdutch sundarauwa), Old-English Soperei (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER); instead of gr: stirrup (Anglosaxon stigerâp, stigrâp); instead of nr: Harry alongside of Henry.

2. Among lipletters another consonant is especially assimilated to b and f.

bb instead of pb: robbins, which means rope-bands; instead of gb; Hubbard (Old-Highdutch Hugibert, compare Anglosaxon hyge

mens).

: gaffer (Anglosaxon godfäder); Suffolk (Anglosaxon Sûðfolc), Old-English Sopfole (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER).

3. A toothsound occasions the assimilation of another sound.

tt instead of ct: dittany (dictamnus); similarly in Old-English Atteon, Latin Acteon (CHAUCER), like the pronunciation of victuals; ditty (belonging to the Anglosaxon dihtan, Latin dictare), Old-English dite as a substantive.

In Old-English b also assimilated itself tot in dettour debtor (CHAUCER).

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dd instead of du: in Old-English goddot = godwot (HAVELOK). 88 instead of ths: Sussex (Anglosaxon Sûdseaxan), Old-English Soupsex; lissom is in like manner written for lithesome, compare bliss (Anglosaxon blids, bliss); instead of ds: gossip (Anglosaxon godsibb), Old-English godsib, compare gospel for godspell; instead of ts and st: mess, to feed &c. (Anglosaxon metsjan cibare), compare bless (Anglosaxon blêtsjan and blêssjan); misseltoe alongside of mistletoe (Anglosaxon misteltâ), tressel alongside of trestle (Old-French trestel, Modern-French tréteau, according to Diez, Hollandish driestal).

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zz instead of rs: nuzzle in the meaning of to foster (OldEnglish noursle to nurse up).

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4. To a guttural another consonant is hardly ever assimilated. gg is put for rg in guggle instead of gurgle; in Warwickshire it is used for gargle. ALO

Transposition of Sounds, or Metathesis.

The transposition of the sounds of a word, insignificant for the notion, is a general phenomenon, brought about by a physiological cause, the Elective Affinity of the sounds, and supported by the defective apprehension of the sounds as a whole. It affects various sounds, but liquid sounds are especially the cause of the transposition. This metathesis distinguishes words partly into various periods, partly into various dialects of the same tongue.

1. Two consonants immediately following each other may change places with each other. At the beginning of a word this, at least in the written tongue, is the case with the Anglosaxon hv, now appearing only as wh. In Old-English writings the instances of the position hw are scanty; more early, on the contrary, we find wh almost everywhere, unless h is thrown out, as in ROB. OF GLOUCESTFR in wo (who), wer (where), wat (what) &c. But wh also stands, in a striking manner, for qu (Anglosaxon cv), as in whik (quick), whake (quake), whaynt (quaint) (TOWNEL. MYSTER.), and even now in Northern dialects, whence we might infer the originally sameness of pronunciation of hw (wh) and co (qu); especially since also, conversely, qu often appears for wh, as in quetstone (whetstone) (IBID.), quete (wheat), quedur(whether) (HALLIWELL S. VV.); whereas Scottish formerly substituted quh for wh: quhittle (whittle), quhow (how), quham (whom) &c., as quh is likewise found: qwhicke (WARKWORTH'S CHRONICLE p. 3.). As to the present pronunciation of wh as hw no cause can be assigned for the transposition. Compare white (Anglosaxon hvit), wheat (hvate), whoop (hvôpan) &c. At the middle and end of a word the inversion of sp into ps is very common in dialects; thus in Sussex they say wapse, hapse, clapse for wasp, hasp, clap &c., in Kent eps for asp &c., as Anglosaxon presented äpse, väps, häpse, vlips, cops &c., alongside of äspe, väsp, häspe, vlisp, cosp &c. In Chaucer crispe and cirps are found (Anglosaxon crisp and cirps); Mo

Matzner, engl. Gr. I.

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