trix, nuncupátive, multiplicátive, administrative, mëdicaster, mediócre, obsoleteness, advertiser, ädvertising &c.

2) As far as particularly regards compound words, the subordinate accent becomes prominent in the compounding of notional words, only where the fundamental or determinant does not appear to be monosyllabic, although the weight of the fundamental word is especially effective; hence: bärber-mónger, pennywórth, hälfpennyworth, bärgemáster, pepperbox, pëppergingerbread, customhouse and many more; on the other hand also certainly handkerchief and handiwork, and many other suppressions of the subordinate accent. It is also to be remarked that the compounding of a polysyllabic substantive with a subsequent proposition gives the latter the subordinate accent; as hänger-ón.

Polysyllabic nouns compounded of polysyllabic Germanic prepositions likewise receive the subordinate accent: äfteráges, ünderwórker, överbálance. With a monosyllabic fundamental word the language also leans towards the accenting it, yet not always decidedly, as in ündergrówth, övermátch and the like.

In substantive forms, as hűrly-búrly, tittle-táttle, the first part of the conjunctión is accented, yet occasionally the second also: linsey-woolsey; as in the adverb híggledy piggledy.

Foreign compounds of nouns are to be treated according to the accent of the simple words: compare pnéumatology, méteorology, bénefactor, múriatiferous, plénilűnary; bibliomancy, äristocrát, ägriculture, homicidal.

In the compounding of particles with verbs, particles, according to the general law, have the subordinate prior to the principal accent. In compounding with several particles, the accent readily recedes to the third syllable before the principal accent: súperexält, misunderstand; as is also the case with similar nouns:

inapprehensible.

4) More than one subordinate accent occurs in derivative forms, which are based upon doubly accented forms: dísaccómmodation (dísaccommodate), imprescríptibility (imprescriptible).

It is to be observed, in conclusion, that rhetorical reasons may produce a departure from the usual accent. For instance, the reference to an opposition may demand the prominence of the stem instead of the termination: probability and plausibility (instead of -ïlity), or of the termination instead of the stem: debtor and debtée (instead of débtor); or of the prefix instead of the fundamental word: We see that the Autobiography does not so much misstate as understate (LEWIS); by which even to the simple notion its contrary, with an accented prefix, may be opposed: to use and misuse, to give and forgive &c.

Variety of accent is, in English, mainly produced in common

life by the fluctuation between the principal and the subordinate accent. Modern Lexicography has deserved great credit for fixing the accent. The difference between the accenting of ancient and modern English lies chiefly in the limitation of the French pronunciation in the modern language. Yet other divergencies are found, for example, even in Spencer, Marlowe, Ben Jonson and Shakspeare, the frequent accenting of the particles be, for and mis, as well as of some Latin ones in verbs, as con, pro, which are no longer allowed; apart from the accenting of polysyllables, in which a divergence has arisen in accenting the penult and the antepenult. Thus, in Shakspeare charácter, Lúpercal instead of character, Lupércal &c.

II. The Elements of the Word according to their origin.

We have to do with the arising of the present elements of the English word chiefly from the Anglosaxon and the French. We are concerned with the preservation or the transmutation of old vocal signs which, only in a limited measure, preserve their old pronunciation.

The consonant ever remains in the course of time the more fixed element in writing and in sound; the vowel is more changeable. The treatment of the vowel conforms to more fixed principles in the accented than in the unaccented syllable, especially after the accented syllable, but otherwise before it. In no tongue has the system of sounds been so much disturbed in the course of time as in English; nowhere has the mutilation of the word down to a monosyllable proceeded so far; nevertheless the vocal hue of English has remained essentially Anglosaxon.

Origin of the vowels and Diphthongs.

The original Anglosaxon vocalization has suffered most, the OldFrench less, that of modern words received from French and Latin, the least, which last we have not to treat in detail, although pronunciation often alters in many ways the hue of the vowel. The primitive quantities are effaced, the consonants and the position of the syllable in the word chiefly governing the quantity. The original length of the vowel is however often retained, being indicated by an mute e, either appended or preserved. Clear and obscure vowels are on the whole discriminated in accented syllables; in unaccented ones they easily pass into one another.

I answers

a) in an accented syllable with the value of the Highdutch i with a short sound, chiefly to the short Anglosaxon i and y, sometimes to the broken eo and e, but also here and there to the long Anglosaxon î, y, eo and even æ.

Anglosax: i: in (Anglosax: in), if (gif), it (hit), with (við), ship (scip); give (gifan), liver (lifer); swim (svimman), win (vinnan), begin (beginnan), bid (biddan), spit (spittan), wit (witt, wit); inn (inn, in), will (substantive ville, verb villan), spill (spillan), thick (picce), hilt (hilt), milk (miluc, mile), swing (svingan), wink (vincjan), bitch (bicce), fish (fisc), silver (silfor, seolfer, sylfer).

Anglosax: y: thin (pynne), kin (cynn), sin (synn), trim trymman), hip (hype, hyppe), knit (cnyttan), hill (hyll, hill), kiss (cyssan), filth (fyl), dint (dynt), little (lytel, litel), kitchen (cycene), listen (hlystan), sister (svyster, suster), stir (styrjan), gird (gyrdan), birth (byrd), thirst (pyrstan).

Anglosax: eo often interchanged with i in Anglosaxon: silk seoloc, seolc), widow (veoduve).

Anglosax: e, likewise interchanged with i and y: brim bremme, brymme), grin (grennjan), bring (brengan along with bringan), think (pencëan, pencan along with pyncëan, pyncan, think), smirk and smerk (substantive smerc, verb smercjan).

Anglosaxon i: stiff (stîf), rich (rîc), nip (hnîpan), withy (vidig), witness (vîtness), wisdom (visdom).

Anglosaxon ŷ wish (vyscan), fist (fŷst), which (hvŷlic). Anglosaxon eó: sick (seóc, sióc, sŷc).

Anglosaxon æ: whiffle (væflan, Old-norse veifla), riddle (rædels).

Old-English here often puts e in the place of the sound proceeding from the short i, as yeve (give), leve (live, anglosax: libban, lifjan), seluer (silver) &c.; on the other hand u instead of the i arising from y, : hull, gult, cussede (kissed), yfulled (filled, Anglosax: fyllan), wuche (which), fust, luper (Anglosax: lyder) &c.; but often y instead of i: hym, ys, yt, tyn, mydde, brynge &c.

The French often presented i in a final accented syllable (ie). An accented i in words originally French mostly appears accented in modern English. Here i stands in the place of the French i, e, and even a and u. The vocalization is often

fashioned after the Latin.

Old- French : issue (Old-French the same), history (histoire, estoire), cinque (cinc, cinque), city (cite), pity (pite, pitie), vigour (vigor, vigur), mirror (mireor), dinner (digner, disner), river (riviere), vermilion (compare vermiller) so frequent in modern words.

Óld-French e, also interchanging with i: chivalry (chevalerie), chimney (cheminee and chimenee), cinder (cendre), virtue (vertu), circle (cercle), lizard (Modern-French lézard), frigate (Modern-French frégate), abridge (abréger), skirmish (eskermir). The Old-English still often has e: chevalerie, chevalrous, vertue &c. Print points to an OldFrench ei (preindre, priendre); mistresse, Old-English maystres to ai (ROB. OF GLOUCESTER), mastres (SKELTON).

Old-French a fringe (frange, mediavel-Latin frigia, OldEnglish frenge), crimson (French cramoisi, Italian carmesino, cremisino).

Old-French u: ribbon (French ruban), bittern (butor), perhaps also sirloin (surlonge) and sirname (sur-). Compare the reverse úmpire (perhaps properly impair) Old-English nounpere (PIERS PLOUGH.) from the Old-French peer, pair, par. Provincially u often becomes i, for instance in Cheshire.

In the unaccepted syllable it mostly proceeds from the Germanic and French, as well as Latin i, in prefixes as well as in terminations, yet here representatives of many other obscure, particularly Romance vowels occur, for instance of a. Wicliffe, Anglosax: Viglâf. i stands alongwith u, as well as in Anglosaxon in the termination ing, beside ung, English only ing: ébbing (ebbung) &c. and otherwise: dévil, Anglosax: deoful, -ol, deof, ostrich, French autruche; often instead of a Romance e; súmmit, Old-French som, sum, modern-French sommet, rétinue, Old-English retenue; instead of ei and ai (in OldFrench often i. e): vénison, Old-French veneison, venison; chánfrin, French chanfrein; comparison, French comparaison; órison, Old-French orison, -eson, -eison; benefit, OldFrench bienfait, -fet; instead of oi: parish (paroisse); ánguish Old-French angoisse and anguisse; instead of a: húrricane, Spanish huracan; ca párison, French caparaçon; instead of ou: cartridge, French cartouche &c.

b) The diphthong i, foreign in sound to the Anglosaxon as well as to the English even down to the 14th century (see ei) illustrated by J. Wallis in the 17th by the sound of the French pain, main, arises in the accented syllable primarily out of the Anglosaxon i and ŷ, but then also passing over into i out of i and y, especially before certain Anglosaxon consonants c, g, nd, ld, ht, as well as mostly before gh, ght (Anglosaxon h and ht) also eó, eá and eo, ea and î.

Anglosaxon i: time (tîma), wine (vîn), while (hvîl), wipe (vipjan), wife (vîf), drive (drîfan), write (vrîtan), ride (rîdan), writhe (vrîðan), wise (vîs), ice (îs); like (lic), iron (îren), idle (îdel), light (lîht also leóht, lâht = levis), light lîthan = levare).

=

Anglosaxon : de-file (fŷlan), mire (mŷre palus) and mire, pismire (mŷre, Old-norse máur), fire (fŷr), hide (hŷd), bride (bryd), hithe (hŷd = portus), lice (plural lŷs).

Anglosaxon i: under influence of c and g: I (ic), Friday Frigedäg), nine (nigon); before nd: bind (bindan), find (findan), wind (vindan) but not wind (vind ventus) c. der.; grind (grindan), hind (hind cerva), behind (hindan), blind (blind); on the other hand hinder (hinderjan); before ld: mild (mild), wild (vild), child (cild or cîld) yet the plural children; see pronunciation; before ght: sight (siht), right (riht), plight (substantive plight, verb plightan), dight (dihtan), Wight (Vight): but also pîne (pinn, pin, yet Latin pinus), ivy,

Mätzner, engl. Gr. I.

7

Anglosaxon ifig, Old-Highdutch epfi, ephi; and climb (climban, Old-English and Scotch climen).

Anglosaxon y: before nd: mind (mynd), kind (cynd), but not in compounds kindred; yet also brine (bryne); before ht, English ght: fright (fyrthu), wight (viht, vuht), wright (wyrtha).

Anglosaxon eó, eo: file (feól), tithe (teóða); before gh and ght: thigh (peóh), sigh (compare seófjan), light (leóth = lux), bright (beorht, bryht), fight (feohtan).

Anglosaxon eá, ea: nigh (neáh, nêh), high (heáh); might (meaht, miht), night (neaht, niht).

Hight belongs to hâtan, hêht; the obsolete pight to the Anglosaxon pyccan, pycte. Compare the Old-English Benedight (CHAUCER).

The employment of the i, taken from the Romance, Latin and Greek languages, is without principle; original length is seldom the reason of its being a diphthong, its position in the word alone decides. Yet a primitive i commonly lies at the root. Compare entire, Old-French entir, entier; requîre, OldFrench querre, quierre, quirre, Old-English requere (CHAUCER), squire, Old-French escuier, esquier, Old-English squier; îvory (ivoire), primary, library &c.; crime, vice; yet also sometimes rests upon e, ai: gîant, jaiant, Modern-French géant, Old-English geaunt (MAUNDEV.), reprisal, French représaille &c., even upon the Old-French u: contrive (truver) see ie. has the same relation to the Cymric u, which has nearly the same sound as the French u, in kîte, Cymric cûd, cût, Anglosaxon cita, cyta.

In the unaccented syllable an originally long is sometimes preserved, as i, as in félîne (Latin felinus), bóvîne and the like; else the diphthong is even here determined by its position in the word.

Ie in the accented syllable;

a) with the I-sound in the close syllable in Germanic words is almost always rendered in Old-English, by e, instead of:

Anglosaxon eó: lief (leóf), fiend (feónd, fiénd), thief (peóf), priest (preost); friend (freónd, friend) with altered sound; Old-English fend, frend.

Anglosaxon i: field (field, föld), shield (scild, scëld), sieve (sife); Old-English feld, scheld.

Anglosaxon ê (†), e (y): believe (gelêfan, -lŷfan), wield (gevyldan, -veldan), Old-English leven, beleven, welden; also î: shriek, Old-norse skrîkja.

Old-French ie, along with e, often lies at the root: cap-a-pie (piet, pie), niece, piece, grief, fief, brief, chief (OldFrench the same), tierce (tiers, tierce), fierce (fier, [fiers]), cierge, bier (biere, bierre), cavalier, arquebusier &c., achieve (achever, achiever), besiege (assieger, asseger), grieve (grever, grief), pierce (percer, perchier), Old-English chevetain (chieftain), acheven, assegen, percen &c.

Old-French i: liege (lige), frieze (frize), mien (mine).