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place when it is withdrawn. Is this all is impossible; but I should be sorry intheory and speculation? Or are there deed not to feel satisfied in my own mind not practical proofs of the truth of what that the source of every insinuation I assert? I can hardly suppose the noble of this description must be evident. Can lord selected the year 1783, to compare we really suppose, if the situation of our against the year 1796, rather than the revenue was even more desperate than I year 1781-2, or any of the antecedent have stated to your lordships, that our eneyears of warfare, without examination. mies would from thence conclude our exerHe, I doubt not, had discovered that the tions were likely to be diminished in war? taxes fell, on withdrawing the expendi- No, my lords; the French of all nations ture of the American war, far above a are the last who can think that derangemillion annually; yet the war expenditure ment of finance can impede exertion never then much exceeded twenty mil- against external enemies: they must have lions; at present it considerably exceeds benefited little indeed by the experience thirty millions: the permanent taxes were of their own situation for the last three then little more than ten millions; at pre- years, if they can flatter themselves that sent they are much above fifteen. Should derangement or even the ruin of succesthe revenue now diminish in proportion sive systems of finance can check the exto the excess of the expenditure and the ertions of a country against its enemies. excess of the permanent taxes as there is Whilst I have therefore the happiness to but too much reason to apprehend it will, think that by such investigations I can do no this would create a farther deficiency of injury, I have the satisfaction to feel, that upwards of 2,500,000l. But if it only by laying open the situation of the finanamounted to 1,500,000l., that, together ces of the country I have the prospect of with the sums I have already stated, will doing much good. For if in this age we create a deficiency of no less than have learnt that derangement of finance 4,600,000l.; an alarming prospect of the constitutes no impediment to the exersituation of the country, but such as is tions a nation may display against its eneauthorized by reason and supported by mies, we have had awful experience of proof. If, unfortunately, the present ca- the fatal effects attending it on the inte lamitous contest be protracted for another rior government of a country. It is to year, it must make a melancholy addition the public, who are in possession of this to this statement: we shall then be under knowledge, I wish, through the statement the necessity of providing for a sum equal I have made, to appeal; for, from the to the war expenditure of the preceding minister I expect nothing. He indeed year, which must occasion a farther addi- has had the direction of the revenue at a tion to the burdens of the people of nearly time when he might have done more honour two millions. to himself, and entailed more important benefits on his country, than any man ever had an opportunity of doing. who can reflect upon the management of the finances of this nation without regretting the infallible evidence of incapacity it exhibits-without feeling for the ill-placed pusillanimity that prevented some of those taxes which the war has rendered necessary from being brought forward at the commencement of the last peace-a measure that would have insured to the country all the benefits it must have derived from adopting those improved plans for liquidating the national debt submitted to the government by the late Dr. Price. But the timidity that preven. ted the imposition of taxes for the beneficial purposes of extinguishing the debt, has totally vanished when the mischievous expenses of warfare are to be provided for. Annual additions have been made to that sinking fund which it was thought

Though I have felt it my duty, my lords, to make this statement to your lordships, yet, in the resolutions I shall submit to this House, 1 do not mean to propose to you any thing that can be deemed of an hypothetical or speculative nature. Most of the resolutions only recite facts upon which there can be no difference of opinion. And if these facts are clear and indisputable, the inferences drawn in the resolutions are such as your lordships cannot with propriety reject. I am perfectly sensible, that in discussing the state of our revenue, I subject myself to much calumny. I know there are those who will assert that such statements can only serve as an encouragement to our enemies, who will consider it as likely to promote in them an inclination to continue this unfortunate war, or to insist upon unreasonable conditions of peace. To prevent the calumnies of the malicious

But

6. "That the probable increase of the peace establishment, at the conclusion of the present war, will amount to 500,0007. 7. "That the annual peace expenditure, calculated on an average of five years, ending 5th January 1791, and including the sum annually applied to the reduction of the National Debt, amounted to the sum of 16,816,984/.

8. "That the above-mentioned sums of 16,816,984/., 500,000l., 200,000/,, 600,000l., and 4,423,351., making together the sum of 22,540,3351. must be provided for, as the lowest future peace expenditure which can be estimated, even supposing the war to conclude with the present year.

formerly impracticable to augment; leaving us but too just reason to conclude, that however the public may look forward to it as affording the only probable prospect of future relief to the people of this country from the oppressive taxes to which they are subjected, the government of the country regard it as an engine by which they may with the greater facility augment our debt, and consequently increase our burthens. That it has this effect is certain. No man can look at the price of our funds, at the sums of money which have been borrowed, and the interest which has been paid for it, without being convinced of the operation of the sinking fund in this point of view. In wise, in cautious hands, who could be encouraged to involve the country in none but expenses of absolute necessity, and those conducted with frugality, this might be considered as one of the most advantageous circumstances of this financial system; but it affords a melancholy object of contemplation to perceive, that the favourite point of view in which our ministers regard it is, the facility it gives the carrying on with unprecedented profusion a contest, which, as it derived its origin from their prejudices, owes its continuation to their pride and obstinacy. In the hands of a rash and unthinking artist, the perfection of the machinery only enables him to do the greater degree of mischief! and it is that your lordships and that the public may be convinced of the extent of the mischief already done that I recommend to your most serious consideration the following resolutions:

1. "That it appears to this House, that the amount of the Funded Debt incurred during the present war is 93,846,000l.

2. " That the sum voted for the service of the present year (exclusive of the Civil List and interest of the National Debt) amounts to 33,262,360l.

3. "That the amount of permanent Taxes imposed during the present war is 4,423,3517.

4. "That a sum of ten millions, on the conclusion of the war, must be raised for the discharge of Arrears and other incumbrances, the interest of which, including the provision to be made by the 33 Geo. 3rd, c. 55, will amount to 600,000l.

5. "That the sum of 200,000l. is annually voted by Parliament to be added to the fund for the reduction of the National Debt.

[VOL. XXXII.]

9. "That the total produce of taxes for the year ending the 5th April 1796, deducting an occasional payment for the stock of wine on hand, amounted to 15,603,2851.

10. "That the estimated produce of the new taxes imposed in the present session is 1,678,000l.

11. That the land and malt taxes are calculated by a committee of the House of Commons to produce the sum of 2,558,000l.

12. "That calculating the amount of the taxes existing previous to the war, to produce the same on the return of peace, as they did on an average of four years immediately preceding the war, an improvement in the present revenue may be expected to the amount of 757,480/.

13. "That the above-mentioned sums of 15,603,285., 1,678,000l., 2,558,000l., and 757,480., making together the sum of 20,596,7657., afford the only resources at present existing, which can be stated as applicable to the future peace expenditure; and that the sum of 1,943,570l. being the difference between the future peace expenditure, estimated as above at 22,540,335., and the future peace income, estimated as above at 20,596,765l. will remain to be provided for.

14. "That the sum of 500,000l. is annually due from the East India Company to the public, provided that a certain surplus profit arises to the said Company, after discharging the whole of their regular payments; but that no payment on the above account has been received by the public, since the 1st of April 1794.

15. "That a lottery may be estimated to produce a sum of about 250,000l.”

The first Resolution being put, lord Auckland entered into a defence of his [4 E]

speech of the 2nd instant. The Resolutions were supported by the earl of Moira and the marquis of Lansdown, and opposed by lord Hawkesbury, who moved the previous question thereon, and also by lord Grenville. The previous question being put, was agreed to without a division.

Protest against the Legacy Duty Bill.] May 17. The Earl of Lauderdale introduced a bill to suspend the operation of the collateral legacy bill until the 1st of January next, that their lordships might have an opportunity of preventing that in justice, which must ensue, if the one sort of property was to be taxed, and the land was not. In naming the 1st of January, he did not mean by that to say, that the bill ought ever to be in force; he thought it the more objectionable of the two, as a tax on capital was more mischievous than a tax on landed property; but he was certain that ministers must call parliament together long before Christmas, when the bill might be repealed in toto. He then moved, that the bill be read a first time. This being done, the lord chancellor said, that by the standing orders, a bill, after it had passed, could not, in the same session, be either repealed or altered. He should therefore move, that the bill be rejected; which was agreed to. The Earl of Lauderdale then entered the following Protest on the Journals:

"Dissentient,

1. "Because the tax on collateral succession to personal property is, in its operation, a tax on capital instead of income; and consequently may impress, at this critical period, other nations with the idea, that all the regular and legitimate objects of taxation are exhausted in this country.

2. "Because it is obviously unjust thus deeply to tax on succession, the one denomination of property, and wholly to exempt the other.

3. "Because greater inconvenience and injury may arise to individuals from a public exposure of the circumstance and amount of their personal property, especially when the same is employed in commerce, than can possibly accrue from making a like statement of the value of their estates.

4. Because, if there be, as his majesty's ministers have so frequently asserted, discontented spirits in the country, this partial impost will arm with a fact their

declamations against the inequality of law; the hardships which press on some parts of the community, and the exemptions by which others are favoured. (Signed) "LAUDERDALE."

The King's Speech at the Close of the Session.] May 19. His Majesty put an end to the Session with the following Speech to both Houses :

"My Lords and Gentlemen;

"The public business being now concluded, I think it proper to close this session; and, at the same time, to acquaint you with my intention of giving immediate directions for calling a new parliament.

"The objects which have engaged your attention during the present session, have been of peculiar importance; and the measures which you have adopted, have manifested your continued regard to the safety and welfare of my people.

"The happiest effects have been experienced from the provisions which you have made for repressing sedition and civil tumult, and for restraining the progress of principles subversive of all established government.

"The difficulties arising to my subjects, from the high price of corn, have formed a principal object of your deliberation; and your assiduity in investigating that subject has strongly proved your anxious desire to omit nothing which could tend to the relief of my people, in a matter of such general concern. I have the greatest satisfaction in observing, that the pressure of those difficulties is in a great degree removed.

"Gentlemen of the House of Com

mons;

"I must in a more particular manner, return you my thanks for the liberal supplies which you have granted to meet the exigencies of the war. While I regret the extent of those demands, which the present circumstances necessarily occasion, it is a great consolation to me to observe the increasing resources by which the country is enabled to support them. These resources are particularly manifested in the state of the different branches of the revenue, in the continued and progressive extension of our navigation and com merce, in the steps which have been taken for maintaining and improving the public credit, and in the additional provision which has been made for the reduction of the national debt.

"My Lords and Gentlemen ;

"I shall ever reflect, with heartfelt satisfaction, on the uniform wisdom, temper, and firmness, which have appeared in all your proceedings since I first met you in this place. Called to deliberate on the public affairs of your country, in a period of domestic and foreign tranquillity, you had the happiness of contributing to raise this kingdom to a state of unexampled prosperity. You were suddenly compelled to relinquish the full advantages of this situation, in order to resist the unprovoked aggression of an enemy, whose hostility was directed against all civil society, but more particularly against the happy union of order and liberty established in these kingdoms. The nature of the system introduced into France, afforded to that country, in the midst of its calamities, the means of exertion beyond the experience of any former time. Under the pressure of the new and unprecedented difficulties arising from such a contest, you have shown your selves worthy of all the blessings that you inherit. By your councils and conduct the constitution has been preserved inviolate against the designs of foreign and domestic enemies; the honour of the British name has been asserted; the rank and station which we have hitherto held in Europe has been maintained: and the decided superiority of our naval power has been established in every quarter of the world.

"You have omitted no opportunity to prove your just anxiety for the re-establishment of general peace on secure and honourable terms; but you have, at the same time, rendered it manifest to the world, that, while our enemies shall persist in dispositions incompatible with that object, neither the resources of my kingdom, nor the spirit of my people, will be wanting to the support of a just cause, and to the defence of all their dearest interests.

"A due sense of this conduct is deeply impressed on my heart. I trust that all my subjects are animated with the same sentiments; and that their loyalty and public spirit will ensure the continuance of that union and mutual confidence between me and my parliament, which best promote the true dignity and glory of my crown, and the genuine happiness of my people."

Then the lord chancellor prorogued the parliament to the 5th of July; and on the following day it was dissolved.

FIRST SESSION

OF THE

EIGHTEENTH PARLIAMENT

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

Meeting of the New Parliament.] September 27, 1796. This being the day appointed for the meeting of the New Parliament, the same was opened by Commission, and the Commons being sent for to the House of Peers, the Lord Chancellor signified, that it was his Majesty's pleasure to defer declaring the causes of assembling the Parliament, until the Commons had chosen a Speaker. He therefore desired them to choose a fit person to be their Speaker, and to present him there for his Majesty's approbation on the following day.

Mr. Addington chosen Speaker.] The Commons being returned to their own House,

Lord Frederick Campbell, addressing himself to the clerk, said :--Mr. Hatsell; In obedience to his majesty's commands, and in the exercise of the ancient and undoubted right of this House we are now assembled for the purpose of electing a fit person to sit in that chair, and to be our Speaker-that is, to establish order, regularity, temper, dispatch, and of course, effect, in all our proceedings; and this at a time when the very being of this coun try, and the quiet perhaps of all Europe depend upou the wisdom and the result of our deliberations. In looking round this House, we see many men of great abilities, splendid talents, greater abilities than perhaps ever adorned this or any other country. Some there are, who to great abilities have added great industry in searching out the grounds and principles upon which the orders of this House, and the law of parliament have been so wisely framed. Many we know have, and I trust all, in this parliament will have a jealous eye to the rights and privileges of this House. In an assembly so constituted, there cannot be wanting many persons who might fill that chair with credit to themselves and advantage to the public; but in this hour of difficulty and danger, we have no occasion to resort to conjecture-experience is a safe unerring guide. Fortunately, there is a gentleman returned to this parliament, who, year after year, in that

chair, has shown that he is able to in- | impartiality; in explaining difficulties struct the wisest, and ready to assist the weakest, who in that chair has shown a mind as independent as his for tune who in that chair has shown a temper not to be ruffled, a firmness not to be shaken; sure presages of rigid uniform impartiality--who in that chair has watched over the rights and privileges of this House, as over the palladium of the liberties of our free constitution, who in that chair—but I will no longer press upon the delicate feelings of a truly great mind, but hasten to make that proposal, which I perceive the whole House are impatient that I should make, namely, "That the right hon. Henry Addington be called to the chair of this House to be our Speaker."

Mr. Powys rose to second the motion. To have such an opportunity of paying a tribute of just applause, could be no small gratification to all who entertained those sentiments of private friendship, and of public respect, which he did for the gentleman who was the object of the motion. Yet it was not on the ground of personal attachment to that gentleman; it was not merely on the score of his many excellent, his distinguished qualities that he stood thus forward in his support; no; he rested on much higher grounds, he rested on the collective voice of the Commons of England. "Dignus imperare nisi imperasset," was the character given of a great Roman emperor. That the reverse of that character was ever applicable to the right hon. gentleman, he did not mean to say, but if there were any, who, before his elevation, considered it as too sudden and premature, the voice of the House was completely justified by his conduct immediately after he had been called to the chair. The right hon. gentleman soon convinced the House that it was not on one splendid and brilliant display that he rested the reputation of his talents, but that he had attained a maturity of intellect which could command respect, and an extent of information that applied to every occasion. He had uniformly displayed an integrity the most unshaken, an understanding the most cultivated, a judgment the most enlightened, a knowledge the most comprehensive; and, in the execution of his office, an acquaintance not merely with the rules and forms of this House, but with the constitution of parliament. In all his behaviour he had displayed the utmost

he had ever been clear and satisfactory. He would not enumerate the particular occasions on which the right hon. gentleman had supported, the dignity of the chair and the honour of the House, and the different qualities by which he was recommended to their choice. But if he had maintained the dignity of the House as high as it had ever been carried by the most revered of his predecessors-if in no instance he had endeavoured to suppress the freedom of opinion-if he had never evinced partiality in the exercise of his functions-if his carriage had been calculated to impress the highest respect upon every mind-if his manners had gained the esteem and conciliated the regard, even of those who, unfortunately, were little disposed to agree upon other matters, he would not be thought too sanguine in his hopes of the success of the motion which he had the honour to second.

General Tarleton said, he thought a more eligible person to fill the high office of Speaker, could not be found within the walls of the House of Commons. The right hon. gentleman was liberally endowed by nature, and adorned with valuable and classical attainments. The House had had ample experience of the urbanity of his manners, his attention to the business of the House, and his adherence to the principles of the constitution. These were powerful recommendations; for in the forms of the House, and in the dignity of the chair, those who sat on his side of the House, would find the best protection against insolent majorities, and the encroachments of power.

Mr. Addington said, that it would have been peculiarly gratifying to his mind, if, consistently with that respect which he owed the House, he could have suffered the motion to pass without any observation. He could not be supposed to be deficient in gratitude to the noble mover, and the hon. seconder; neither could he be insensible to the liberal manner in which the motion had been supported by the hon. general; least of all could he be supposed to be wanting in respect to the House or to the office. What, indeed, could be more honourable than an office conferred by the people, through the medium of their representatives; what more important than an office, whose duties, if well discharged, conferred honour on that branch

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