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sure and a colour seemed to be given, that the items of the debts were such as could not meet investigation. Thus were they magnified, and a suspicion cast upon them, which very naturally excited much jealousy among the public. It was also impossible not to notice the indefatigable calumny which had been used in every stage of this business, to depreciate the Prince in the public opinion. He thought it a disgrace to the country. His lordship here commented upon the plan of issuing debentures, and upon the appointment of the commissioners. He thought the arrangement went to take away from his Royal Highness every degree of management in his own affairs. The commissioners were none of them connected with his Highness; and he thought, that at least, some one of his law officers, or other person, who possessed his confidence, should be included in the list, The present arrangement gave a sort of influence amongst the creditors which some time or other might appear at a Westminster election, as the commissioners would have it in their power to pay off the debentures of one set of creditors in preference to another, as it suited their views. He did not mean now, or at any future stage of the bill, to move any alteration in it, because he trusted its absurdity was such that parliament and the public would see the necessity of setting it aside.

The Bill was read a second time.

duty most strenuously to have opposed it, because he never could admit the amount of the debts of an individual as a fit ground for parliament to increase its liberality. In consequence of the Prince having signified his consent to the bill, and for other reasons, he should not interfere with any of the clauses of the bill.

The Earl of Moira said, that it was impossible for him to sit silent, after what their lordships had heard from the noble earl. He must contend that he had a right to state, by way of argument, what he had repeatedly heard elsewhere, but in such a manner as left him no reason to doubt of its authenticity. He certainly did not state it from the authority of the Prince, or any other person, but as a matter which he himself knew to be founded; and he would call upon his majesty's ministers to declare, whether his Royal Highness, when the topic of his marriage was under discussion, had not been given to understand that he was to be exonerated from his incumbrances entirely. Upon that ground alone had the matter proceeded; and was it fair, decent, or even just, to invite an amiable princess to this country to share in the Prince's splendor and dignity, when by the operation of the present measure his Royal Highness must necessarily forego all pretensions to the dignity and splendor confessedly proper for his high rank as heir apparent to the crown, and must seek the retirement of a private gentleman. He condemned the bill, as bearing

June 25. The House went into a com- the appearance of driving his Royal Highmittee on the Bill.

The Earl of Lauderdale said, there were some things that had fallen from a noble earl in the course of the preceding day's debate, that did not at all strike him as proper ground for argument in a chamber of parliament. He considered what had been said about certain negociations stated to have been held with ministers upon the subject of what parliament would do respecting the Prince's debts, to be language unfit and rather indecent to be stated to their lordships, as a reason to influence their deliberations and decisions on a bill of so much importance as that before the committee. It appeared from what had been said the preceding day, that a plan had been projec.ed for an application to parliament for a much larger sum than the bill proposed. Had any such attempt been made, he should have held it his

ness into retirement, and not even leaving him the grace of the measure. He must persist in saying, that the bill was degrading to the Prince, and that though he had not given him any authority to say as much, his Royal Highness entertained sentiments congenial to his own on the subject.

Lord Thurlow was extremely happy to have heard the explanation given by the noble earl respecting a part of his speech the preceding day, because he was sure that the declaration he had made, that he delivered only his own sentiments, and did not speak on the authority of his Royal Highness must afford every one of their lordships the highest satisfaction. With regard to any negociations that might have taken place elsewhere, they undoubtedly were not proper subjects of discussion in that House. It was impossible to suppose that in forming any ar

present bill would soon be materially amended. When a new order of things took place, and the public saw the alteration, he had every reason to believe that their generosity would be roused by the change, and that they would readily come forward and relieve the Prince from the necessity of longer continuing obscurity and retirement. The Princess, he had no doubt, would conform to the exigency of the occasion, and concur with her husband in confining their joint expenses to their income; and he declared he had great confidence in the sincere intentions of both of them with regard to that particular. When therefore that was felt and understood, what might not be expected from a generous people?

The Duke of Clarence said, that the learned lord had spoken his sentiments respecting the bill completely. The general expressions of regard and attachment to his brother, which he had heard, had afforded him so much satisfaction, that he should forego his intention of proposing any amendment in the bill, understanding that any alteration now made might prove fatal to the bill, which would subject his brother to great inconvenience.

rangement for an establishment for the Prince of Wales, a variety of communications should not have taken place between his Royal Highness and his majesty's ministers; but they could not, either with decency or with any regard to regularity, be brought forward in parliament. With respect to his Royal Highness's consent to the present bill, it had been signified in due form to the House; and it was indispensably necessary, not, as a noble earl had observed, that it was to be construed into a declaration that the Prince would submit to an act of parliament and pay due obedience to the law of the land, but because the uniform practice of parliament was, never to entertain a bill affecting the private interests of an individual, without first having it signi fied to them that that individual gave his consent to it. In the present case the consent of his Royal Highness was necessary, because the bill disposed of the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall, which were the undoubted personal property of the Prince. His consent was not necessary to the other part of the bill, that respecting his establishment, because parliament had an indisputable right to assist him with whatever they thought proper. With regard, therefore, to the annuities given by the bill, it would consequently have been equally improper for his Royal Highness to have offered, as for either House to have listened to, any opinion of his Royal Highness that could have been suggested to them. With regard to the question, whether his Royal Highness would derive most honour from maintaining a continuance of empty splendor, or from disdaining all pretensions to pageantry and show, till his circumstances justified such outward magnificence, he was inclined to agree, that true dignity did not consist in mere show, that the Prince would derive more solid dignity from retirement, and manifesting that his wish was to do justice to his creditors, at the expense of the usual appendages of his illustrious birth; and that he was willing to sacrifice all that was personal to his own comfort and consideration, for the sake of convincing the public that he held every thing inferior to his honour. A noble earl had asked, who would say he expected that a greater sum would ever be granted for the Prince's establishment than the present bill provided? He had no hesitation to say, that he, for one, did expect it, and that the

The Lord Chancellor was surprised at having heard it said, that the bill treated the Prince with want of respect. So far from its affording ground of imputation against his Royal Highness, it was calculated to do away all idea of blame, and tended to preserve his dignity. The reafor the extraordinary circumspection that the measure was fraught with, obviously was, because the public had a deeper interest in the conduct of princes than of individuals. A private individual might run out his fortune and be ruined, and it would occasion only a cold feeling in the minds of the public; but not so with princes, for whose imprudence there was a greater excuse than could be made for other men. They were, in the first place, more likely to be tempted to expense, and less in the habits of economy. Even the virtues of a prince were against him in this respect. His taste, his love of ingenuity, his liberality, his munificence, all led to expense. In fact, he was courted to expense in every possible shape, and was, in a manner, compelled to take his option of acting with impru dence and extravagance, or appearing mean and narrow-minded. The public would not wish that an English prince should so conduct himself, as to justify

the imputation of the latter character. | on the nuptials of their Royal Highnesses They would neither desire nor expect that he should count over pounds, shillings, and pence, with the minuteness of a petty tradesman. It was evident that the bill was respectful to his Royal Highness in the highest degree; it showed that the public took an interest in his debts, and felt even their own honour to be involved with the preservation of that of the Prince of Wales. The restrictions were intended not to wound the honour of the Prince, but to shield him in future from the imprudences to which men of his exalted rank were exposed. They were restrictions, not on the Prince, nor on future princes of Wales, but on those about them, who had it in their power, by wise and regular means, to restrain the hand of extravagance, and guard against profusion.

The bill having gone through the committee, was reported. On the 26th, it was read a third time and passed.

The Speaker's Speech to the King on presenting the Money Bills.] June 27. His Majesty came in state to the House of Peers, and having sent a message by the Black Rod, to summon the attendance of the other House, the Commons, with their Speaker, came to the bar, when Mr. Speaker addressed his Majesty as follows: "Most gracious Sovereign; Your faithful Commons humbly attend your majesty with the bills which close the supply for the public service of the year. Impressed with a due sense of the nature and importance of the contest in which your majesty is engaged, your Commons have thought it necessary to make the most ample provision for the several branches of the public service. In discharging the painful but indispensable duty of imposing additional burthens on their constituents, they have derived just consolation and satisfaction from the state of the credit, the commerce, and resources of the country; and they are encouraged and gratified by the hope that the liberality and exertions of your faithful subjects will be rewarded by the restoration of peace, on such a foundation, as will give increased security, to the unexampled blessings so long experienced by these kingdoms.

"Other objects, not less interesting to the feelings of your majesty and of the nation, have also employed the deliberations of your Commons. In consequence of your majesty's most gracious message

the Prince and Princess of Wales, your Commons proceeded to take into their consideration the several points to which your majesty was pleased to direct their attention, with as much dispatch as their peculiar importance would allow and they trust that their conduct has manifested the cordial satisfaction which they derive from an event intimately connected with the happiness of your majesty, and the welfare of your people. Some of the provisions and regulations which have been adopted on this occasion, arose from circumstances, which, painful as they undoubtedly were, would be a subject of deeper regret to your Commons, if they had not produced that gracious communication of the sentiments and wishes of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, which could not fail to confirm the hopes and gratify the feelings of a generous and loyal people. In discharging their duty on this important occasion, your Com mons have been actuated by the persuasion, that the true interests of your majesty's illustrious family are not to be separated from those of the nation; a principle which animates the loyalty of all classes of your majesty's subjects, and which binds their duty and affection to a constitution which they love and revere.

"Another bill, which it is my duty to present to your majesty, is for the purpose of providing such a jointure for her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales, as is suited to her rank, her dignity, and her virtues. In approaching your majesty with this bill, your Commons are impressed with the most earnest and anxious hopes, that if ever the provision should be ren. dered effectual, it may not become so, until, under the favour of Divine Providence, a long and uninterrupted continuance of happiness has been experienced from a union, not more calculated to promote the domestic comforts of your majesty, and of your illustrious family, than to give additional security to those liberties and that constitution, which were preserved by your majesty's ancestors, which have been maintained and cherished by your gracious care and protection, and which it is the fervent wish and prayer of your majesty's faithful subjects that this country inay continue to enjoy, to the latest posterity, under your majesty's royal descendants."

The King's Speech at the Close of the

Session.] The Bills having severally received the royal assent, his Majesty made the following Speech to both Houses:

"My Lords, and Gentlemen; "The zealous and uniform regard which you have shown to the general interests of my people, and particularly the prudent, firm, and spirited support which you have continued to afford me, in the prosecution of the great contest in which we are still unavoidably engaged, demand my warmest acknowledgments.

"The encouragement which my allies must derive from the knowledge of your sentiments, and the extraordinary exertions which you have enabled me to make, in supporting and augmenting my naval and military forces, afford the means most likely to conduce to the restoration of peace to these kingdoms, and to the reestablishment of general tranquillity, on a secure, an honourable, and a lasting foundation.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons; "I have to return you my hearty thanks for the liberal and ample supplies which the resources of the country have enabled you to provide, beyond all former example, for the various exigencies of the public service. I have also to acknowledge, with peculiar sensibility, the recent proof which you have given me of your attachment to my person and family, in the provision which you have made for settling the establishment of the Prince and Princess of Wales, and for extricating the Prince from the incumbrances in which he was involved.

"My Lords, and Gentlemen;

"It is impossible to contemplate the internal situation of the enemy with whom we are contending, without indulging a hope, that the present circumstances of France may, in their effects, hasten the return of such a state of order and regular government as may be capable of maintaining the accustomed relations of amity and peace with other powers. The issue, however, of these extraordinary transactions, is out of the reach of human foresight. Till that desireable period arrives, when my subjects can be restored to the secure enjoyment of the blessings of peace, I shall not fail to make the most effectual use of the force which you have put into my hands. It is with the utmost satisfaction that I have recently received the advices of an important and brilliant success obtained over the enemy, by a detachment of my fleet under the able

conduct of lord Bridport. I have every reason to rely on the continuance of the distinguished bravery and conduct of my fleet and armies, as well as of the zeal, spirit, and perseverance of my people, which have been uniformly manifested through the whole course of this just and necessary war."

The parliament was then prorogued to the 5th of August. It was afterwards further prorogued to the 29th of October.

SIXTH SESSION

OF THE

SEVENTEENTH PARLIAMENT

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

The King's Speech on Opening the Session.] October 29, 1795. His Majesty opened the Session with the following Speech to both Houses :

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My Lords and Gentlemen,

"It is a great satisfaction to me to reflect, that, notwithstanding many events unfavourable to the common cause, the prospect resulting from the general situation of affairs has, in many important respects, been materially improved in the course of the present year.

"In Italy, the threatened invasion of the French has been prevented; and they have been driven back from a considerable part of the line of coast which they had occupied :--There is also reason to hope that the recent operations of the Austrian army have checked the progress which they have made on the side of Germany, and frustrated the offensive projects which they were pursuing in that quarter.

"The successes which have attended their military operations in other parts of the campaign, and the advantages which they have derived from the conclusion of separate treaties, with some of the powers who were engaged in the war, are far from compensating the evils which they experience from its continuance. The destruction of their commerce, the diminution of their maritime power, and the unparalleled embarrassment and distress of their internal situation, have produced the impression which was naturally to be expected; and a general sense appears to prevail throughout France, that only relief from the increasing pressure of these difficulties must arise from the

restoration of peace, and the establishment of some settled system of govern

ment.

"The distraction and anarchy which have so long prevailed in that country, have led to a crisis, of which it is as yet impossible to foresee the issue, but which must, in all human probability, produce consequences highly important to the in terests of Europe. Should this crisis terminate in any order of things compatible with the tranquillity of other countries, and affording a reasonable expectation of security and permanence in any treaty which might be concluded, the appearance of a disposition to negociate for general peace, on just and suitable terms, will not fail to be met, on my part, with an earnest desire to give it the fullest and speediest effect. But I am persuaded you will agree with me, that nothing is so likely to ensure and accelerate this desirable end, as to show that we are prepared for either alternative, and are determined to prosecute the war with the utmost energy and vigour, until we have the means of concluding, in conjunction with our allies, such a peace as the justice of our cause and the situation of the enemy may entitle us to expect.

With this view I am continuing to make the greatest exertions for maintaining and improving our naval superiority, and for carrying on active and vigorous operations in the West-Indies, in order to secure and extend the advantages which we have gained in that quarter, and which are so nearly connected with our commercial resources and maritime strength.

"I rely, with full confidence, on the continuance of your firm and zealous support, on the uniform bravery of my fleets and armies, and on the fortitude, perseverance, and public spirit of all ranks of my people.

"The acts of hostility committed by the United Provinces, under the influence and control of France have obliged me to treat them as in a state of war with this country.

of Commerce, with the United States of America, which I announced to you last year, have now been exchanged. I have directed copies of these treaties to be laid before you.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "It is matter of deep concern to me, that the exigencies of the public service will require farther additions to the heavy burthens which have been unavoidably imposed on my people. I trust that their pressure will, in some degree be alleviated by the flourishing state of our commerce and manufactures, and that our expenses though necessarily great in their amount, will, under the actual circumstances of the war, admit of considerable diminution in comparison with those of the present year.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"I have observed for some time past, with the greatest anxiety, the very high price of grain, and that anxiety is increased by the apprehension that the produce of the wheat harvest, in the present year may not have been such as effectually to relieve my people from the difficulties with which they have had to contend. The spirit of order and submission to the laws which, with very few exceptions, has manifested itself under this severe pressure, will, I am surc, be felt by you as an additional incentive to apply yourselves, with the utmost diligence, to the conside ration of such measures as may tend to alleviate the present distress, and to prevent, as far as possible, the renewal of similar embarrassments in future. Nothing has been omitted on my part that appeared likely to contribute to this end; and,. you may be assured of my hearty concurrence in whatever regulations the wisdom of parliament may adopt, on a subject so peculiarly interesting to my people whose welfare will ever be the object nearest my heart.

His Majesty then retired and their lordships adjourned to five o'clock.

Attack on his Majesty.] The House being again met,

"The fleet which I have employed in the North Seas has received the most corLord Grenville rose and stated, that, dial and active assistance from the naval previous to the discussion of the king's force furnished by the empress of Russia, Speech, he wished to draw their lordships and has been enabled effectually to attention to a subject of great and immecheck the operations of the enemy in that diate importance, he therefore wished that quarter. the bar should be cleared. Being inform"I have concluded engagements of de-ed that the question on the Speech must fensive alliance with the two imperial be first disposed of, he moved, that it be courts; and the ratifications of the Treaty taken into consideration to-morrow. The

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