America we had little to give but her independence, and the trouble of conci liating her lost affection; to France, Spain, &c. mutual restitutions. In the present case, we have no prospect but the continuance of the war; and the consequences of that are too dreadful to anticipate, farther than I have already done. There is one other part of the right hon. gentleman's political conduct, which strikes upon my mind at this moment, and which I cannot forbear to mention; I mean his entrance into parliament. This was towards the close of the American war. He began his parliamentary career by opposing it most vehemently, and soon after the majority which had carried on the war was put an end to, the right hon. gentleman complimented the Rockingham administration, and said, "You have destroyed the majority which carried on the American war; but you cannot be sure of having gained your end, if you do not strike at the root of the evil: there must be a radical reform, otherwise ministers may, on future occasions, arise, who will again plunge the country into more bloody and expensive wars than even that we have got rid of." The predictions of the right hon. gentleman have been fatally accomplished. He himself has lived to become that very minister, whose anticipated misconduct he had so feelingly deplored, and no sooner did he become possessed of ministerial influence, than he used it more liberally than his predecessors had ever done, not only to prevent reform, but to stab the constitution in every vein, and to plunge us into armaments and wars far more prodigal both in blood and treasure, than had ever been known before in the annals of our history. I intreat the House to give the subject the most mature examination. If they are not for the continuance of the war, I hope they will withdraw their confidence from that quarter, where it has been so long misplaced, and vote for the amendment which I shall have the honour to submit to the House. Mr. Fox then moved an amendment, by leaving out from the word "result," at the end of the first paragraph, to the end of the question, in order to insert these words, "Your majesty's faithful Commons have learnt with inexpressible concern, that the negotiation lately commenced for the restoration of peace has been unhappily frustrated: "In so awful and momentous a crisis, we feel it our duty to speak to your majesty with that freedom and earnestness which becomes men, anxious to preserve the honour of your majesty's crown, and to secure the interests of your people: in doing this we sincerely deplore the necessity we feel, of declaring that, as well from the manner in which the late negotiation has been conducted, as from the substance of the memorial, which appears to have produced the abrupt termination of it, we have reason to think your majesty's ministers were not sincere in their endeavours to procure the blessings of peace, so necessary for this distressed country: "The prospect of national tranquillity, so anxiously looked for by all descriptions of your majesty's subjects, is at once removed from our view; on the one hand, your majesty's ministers insist upon the restoration of the Netherlands to the Emperor, as a sine quâ non, from which they have pledged your majesty not to recede; while on the other, the Executive Directory of the French republic, with equal pertinacity, claim the preservation of that part of their conquest as a condition from which they cannot depart : we << Under these circumstances, cannot help lamenting to your majesty the rashness and injustice of your majesty's ministers, whose long continued misconduct has produced this embarrassing situation, by advising your majesty, before the blessings of peace had been unfortunately interrupted, to refuse all negotiation for the adjustment of the then subsisting differences, although the Netherlands, now the main obstacle to the return of tranquillity, were not then considered by the French republic as a part of their territory, but the annexation of them solemnly renounced, and the peace of Europe offered into your majesty's hands upon the basis of that renunciation, and upon the security and independence of Holland, whilst she preserved her neutrality towards France: "Your majesty's faithful Commons have further deeply to lament, that soon after the commencement of the war, when the republic of Holland had been rescued from invasion, and the Netherlands had been recovered by the Emperor, at a time too when most of the princes of Europe, with resources yet unexhausted, continued firm in their alliance with Great Britain, your majesty's ministers did not avail themselves of this high and commanding Debate in the Lords on the King's Message respecting the Rupture of the Negotia tion for Peace with France.] The order of the day being read, position, for the negotiation of an honourable peace, and the establishment of the political balance of Europe, but on the contrary, without any example in the principles and practice of this or other nations, refused to set on foot any negotiation whatsoever with the French republic not upon a real : or even alleged refusal on her part to listen to the propositions now rejected by her, nor to any specific proposal of indemnity or political security, but upon the arrogant and insulting pretence, that her government was incapable of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity amongst nations; and upon that unfounded and merely speculative assumption, advised your majesty to continue the war to a period, when the difficulties in the way of peace have been so much increased by the defection of most of the powers engaged in the confederacy, and by the conquests and consequent pretensions of the French republic. "Your majesty's faithful Commons having thus humbly submitted to your majesty the reflections which your majesty's gracious communication immediately suggest, will proceed with unremitting diligence to investigate the causes which have produced our present calamities, and to offer such advice, as the critical and alarming circumstances of the nation may require." After the Amendment had been op: posed by Mr. Secretary Dundas, and supported by Mr. Grey, the House divided on the question, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the question:" Dec. 30. Lord Grenville said, he had but a few observations to offer to their lordships upon this important subject. Although it was a matter which, if considered with regard to all its bearings, would lead into a very extensive field of discussion, yet the view of the subject which he deemed it necessary to submit to the consideration of the House, lay within a very narrow compass. He lamented, as much as any man in the country, the sudden and abrupt termination of the negotiation for peace with France. At the same time, he trusted, before he sat down, he should make it clear to every unprejudiced mind, that this misfortune was not to be imputed to his majesty's ministers, but solely to the unjust and exorbitant views of the enemy. unnecessary for him to state the repeated endeavours of the French Directory to defeat the negotiation in its outset, and to break off the intercourse after it had been opened, even before the first steps towards negotiation could be taken. The indecent and injurious language that had been employed by the French government, with a view to irritate the flimsy pretences, the captious and frivolous ob jections raised for the purpose of obstructing the progress of the discussion -all these were sufficiently notorious from the papers on the table. But above all, the abrupt termination of the nego It was tiation had furnished the most decisive proof, that at no period had any real wish for peace been entertained on the part of the French Directory. His majesty had persevered to the last moment to give to France the most incontestible proofs of a sincere desire for the restoration of the blessings of peace; and, after repeated evasion and delay, the French Directory had at length consented to establish, as the basis of negotiation, a principle that was proposed by his majesty, just and liberal in its own nature, equitable towards France herself, and calculated to provide for the interests of his majesty's allies, as well as of all Eu-dition to that insult, any farther proof rope. It had been agreed, that compen- were necessary of the disposition of sation should be made to France by pro- those who offered it, such proof would be portionable restitutions for the cessions abundantly supplied by the contents of which she, in her turn, should be called the note in which the order was conupon to make to his majesty's allies. veyed. The very mode of negotiation After the establishment of that principle, on which the French Directory had itself his majesty's minister at Paris delivered insisted, was there rejected, and no practo the French minister a memorial, con- tical means left open for treating with taining the proposals of his majesty. effect. The basis of negotiation so reAlong with that memorial there was an cently recognized by mutual consent, accompanying note, stating, that his ma- was there disclaimed, and in its room a jesty's minister would, with the utmost principle, clearly inadmissible, was re-asreadiness, enter with M. Delacroix into serted as the only ground on which every explanation which the state and France could consent to treat. The progress of the negotiation would allow; French Directory now said, as they had that he would not fail to enter into the dis- formerly done, that they could not treat cussion of these propositions; or, if they on the principle of mutual restitution, should be rejected in toto, he was willing because it was contrary to their laws, to enter into any counter-project which their constitution, and they had lately the Executive Directory itself might be added, the faith of treaties. That was a pleased to bring forth, with that frank- principle which never could be admitted ness and conciliation which corresponded by this country, or any other independent with the just and pacific dispositions of nation. It was, in fact, to admit, that his majesty and his ministers. To that the French republic possessed the only communication, his majesty's minister supreme power in Europe, and that all received an answer from the Directory, other countries might be parcelled out in form the most offensive, and in sub- by them at pleasure into what they were stance the most extravagant, that ever pleased to call republics; but which, in was made in the progress of any negotia- fact, had not the remotest resemblance to tion. It was peremptorily required of that form of government. The admission him, that in the very commencement of of such a principle would entirely destroy the business, before any answer had been the law of nations, by which the difgiven by the Directory to his proposi- ferent powers of Europe, who were indetions, without presenting any objections pendent of each other, had professed to to his first proposal, or any other offer or be governed for centuries. Such a prinplan of peace, he should, within twenty- ciple superseded all interests, destroyed four hours, deliver in the ultimatum of his all treaties, and gave to France, and to court. Was there a similar instance France alone, the power to make what ever known in the history of the world? laws she pleased, which should be consiWas it ever known before, that an ulti- dered as the only law of nations, and matum had been demanded even before which she might alter and modify as the negotiation itself had actually com- much and as often as she pleased. Acmenced? Such a demand could not pos- cording to this principle, his majesty sibly be made for any other purpose than and his allies were bound to restore to to shut the door against all discussion, France the greatest part of their conagainst all negotiation, all explanation, quests, while the French republic was to and all possibility of an amicable adjust retain all those she had made. The adment of the different points in issue. mission of that principle the Directory Why did not the French Directory state had stated as a sine quâ non, as an indis. their objections to the proposals that pensable preliminary to all negotiation, a were made to them? Why did not they principle, under which the terms of peace tell his majesty's minister on what terms inust have been regulated, not by the they would have been ready to make usual considerations of justice, policy, peace? Not a word was said in return, and reciprocal submission on the part of and the British minister was ordered to all other powers, but by a claim founded leave the territories of the republic in on the internal laws and separate constitwice the space of twenty-four hours. tution of France, as possessing full auWhy should we offer an ultimatum to thority to supersede the treaties entered France rather than she to us? If, in ad- into by independent states, to govern their interests, to control their engage- | fect the restoration of peace on principles ments, and to dispose of their dominions. suited to the relative situation of the belHe believed the construction which the ligerent powers, and essential to the perFrench Directory had put on their laws, manent interests of his kingdoms, and the their constitution, and their treaties, was general security of Europe; and that the not supported by the fact. He should pretensions advanced by the enemy have not insult the understandings of their lord- been at once inconsistent with these obships by entering more fully into this bu- jects, unsupported even on the grounds siness. Every candid man must see on which they were professed to rest, and clearly where the fault lay. It was on repugnant both to the system established such grounds as these that the farther by treaties, and to the principle and effusion of human blood, the continued practice which have hitherto regulated calamities of war, the interruptions of the intercourse of independent nations. peaceable and friendly intercourse among mankind, the prolonged distresses of Europe, and the accumulated miseries of France itself, were, by the government of that country, to be justified to the world. His majesty and his ministers had entered into the negotiation with perfect good faith, and had suffered no impediment to prevent their prosecuting it with earnestness and sincerity. They had now only to lament its abrupt termination, and to renew, in the face of Europe, their most solemn declaration, that whenever the French government should be disposed to enter on the work of general pacification, in a spirit of conciliation and equity, nothing should be wanting on the part of this country to contribute to the accomplishment of that great object. His lordship concluded with moving, "That an humble Address, be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this House for his majesty's most gracious message: "To assure his majesty, that this House sees with equal concern and indignation that his majesty's earnest endeavours to effect the restoration of peace have been unhappily frustrated, and the negotiation in which his majesty was engaged abruptly broken off, by the peremptory refusal of the French government to treat except upon a basis evidently inadmissible, and by their having in consequence required his majesty's plenipotentiary to quit Paris in forty-eight hours. "To offer to his majesty our humble acknowledgments for his majesty's condescension in having directed the several Memorials and papers referred to in his majesty's message, to be laid before this House, and to express to his majesty the great satisfaction which we derive from the abundant proofs furnished by these papers, that his majesty's conduct has been guided by a sincere desire to ef "To declare, that in this situation we feel in common with his majesty the consolation of reflecting, that to the unjust and exorbitant views of his majesty's enemies alone the continuance of the calamities of war can be attributed: and that while we join with his majesty in looking forward with anxiety to the moment when they may be disposed to act on different principles his majesty may rely on our unshaken attachment and firm support in the vigorous prosecution of a contest which it does not depend on his majesty to terminate, and which involves in it the security and permanent interest of his majesty's kingdoms and of Europe." The Earl of Guilford said, that the present was a day of disgrace and affliction; of disgrace to the king's ministers, and of affliction to his majesty's dominions. Such a mass of criminal imbecility as the papers on the table exhibited, he never witnessed. Every principle upon which ministers had set out had been retracted, every pretension which they had held out to the country surrendered, every fact with which they had imposed upon the easy confidence of their lordships, falsified. The declaration stated that every step had been taken to promote the desirable object of peace. He would venture to say that there was not a flatterer of government who would lay his hand upon his heart and say, that he believed this to be the fact. It was notorious that opportunities of the most favourable kind had been neglected, and that this very negotiation, conducted as it was, had not a chance of being successful. If the status ante bellum had been the principle agreed on, he admitted the French had departed from that principle. But that was by no means the case: the principle that was to form the basis of the negotiation, was that of proportional restitution; and would any man say, that what we offered to restore to France was an equi valent for what we asked of her to restore to our allies? It was notorious, that servants had not been sincere in any part of this business. Their first proposal was such, that they could not reasonably hope it would be agreed to on the part of France. The restoration of the Austrian Netherlands was a sine quâ non on the part of his majesty. He admitted their importance, but could never consent that this exhausted country should go on with the war till they should be reconquered from France. He begged the House to consider what must be the expense of another campaign, when they could not now borrow money at 12 per cent. No conquest would compense for the loss of so much treasure. His lordship concluded with moving the same Amendment as that which was this day moved in the House of Commons by Mr. Fox, and which see at p. 1491. The Earl of Derby said, he had always been of opinion that we were under no necessity of engaging in the war. Was the noble secretary of state at all acquainted with the situation of the labouring poor, and the present state of trade throughout the kingdom? In many of our manufacturing towns the people had only half the wages they formerly received. He had been informed, that there were in Birmingham 4,000 uninhabited houses, and that onefourth of the remainder were unable to pay the assessed taxes. He desired their lordships to attend to the nature of the loan by which the supplies of the present year were to be raised. When that subject was fairly considered they would have no pressing temptation to go on with the war. He thought there were symptoms of insincerity in the conduct of ministers; and therefore he would second the antendment. He thought that Pondicherry, in the East, and St. Martinico, St. Lucia, and Tobago, in the West Indies, could not be considered as an equivalent for the Milanese, and the Austrian Netherlands, which the French were required to give to our allies. The Earl of Liverpool thought, that what we had offered to France was an equivalent for what we asked of them to give up. Their West India islands had been supposed to be the foundation of all their greatness. The revenue they received from that quarter amounted to ten millions annually. There never was an instance of any negotiation being terminated in so abrupt a manner as that under consideration. Why did not the French Directory, when they were dissatisfied with our proposals, bring forward some counter-projet of their own? It was clear, from the whole of the correspondence, that the Directory, so far from being desirous of peace, were determined that the negotiation should never arive at that stage where it was possible for the terms of peace to come under discussion. Lord Auckland said, it was impossible to submit in silence to the language of the noble earl who moved the amendment, and who had thought proper to say that "this was a day of disgrace and affliction; of disgrace to the king's ministers, and of affliction to his majesty's dominions." Lord A. declared his entire dissent to both these propositions, and feeling himself now at liberty to consider the negotiation as at an end, he would speak of it without reserve. He had restrained himself at the opening of the session, and had marked no opinion, though in his private mind he then participated some of the sentiments of a noble earl (Fitzwilliam), who had avowed a strong dislike to the negotiation. He had been silent, because he was unwilling even to seem to throw a prejudice on the measure. He thought it, under all the circumstances of the time, an experiment necessary to be made, for the purpose of demonstrating to these kingdoms and to all the world, that the prolongation of the calamities of war ought to be ascribed to those from whose madness and wickedness the war had originated. Under that impression, repugnant and painful as it was to him to send a plenipotentiary to Paris to court the fraternal embraces of the Directory, and to say in the words of Anthony to the assassins of Cæsar, "Let each man render me his bloody hand:" he had acquiesced in the negotiation; believing, however, on the one hand, that it would not tend to accelerate the return of peace; but confident, on the other, that by the wisdom of his majesty's government, it would not be detrimental either to the interests or to the honour of the British empire. He knew enough of the constitution of the pretended republic of France to know that it is incompatible with a state of peace. That constitution has no resemblance of a republic, but was in truth the most odious aristocracy that ever had been recorded in the annals of mankind. Its leaders had no security in |