the long run "the individual withered and the community was worth more and more." In the introduction of the chilled steel roller process in flour mills an injury was done that was much deeper than that. In a certain part of France there were about ten thousand men employed in the business of chipping the mill stones for manufacturing flour under the old process, and as the largest stones neared completion they were so valuable and mistakes were so expensive that only a man who had served a long apprenticeship was permitted to work on them, and the shrewd Yankee who came along and introduced the steel roller process, which made more and better and cheaper flour, put those ten thousand men out of business, with their families depending upon them, and with the immobility and inflexibility of labor in European countries, what could they do? Their sufferings were analogous to those of the hand weaver in England on the introduction of the power loom. These evils which are incident to the trust system are hard, but they must be borne. There are other evils, however, which those of our profession will be called upon to deal with and must correct. The evil of over-capitalization that leads to improper prices where there is a monopoly of a staple industry has got to be dealt with by law, and it must not be dealt with by demagogues. It must be dealt with by wise men feeling their responsibility. These great corporate interests touch millions of the people of the United States, and every man who has been connected with large business affairs knows how sensitive and delicate industry, commerce and finance are, and that any disarrangement of their relations, or improper, undue, unwise, or hasty interference must bring distress to thousands of people throughout this broad country and practically paralyze industry. Let us be men and stand on our feet and fear nothing from any electorate, and let us think these problems out wisely and meet them bravely and fearlessly. We can do it, and it is up to the legal profession to do that thing.

But the worst of all the iniquities laid at the door of the trusts, to my mind, is the debauching of our legislatures, national and state, and of our judges and public officials, and that is a thing that

must be dealt with and dealt with with a strong hand. These aggregations found it cheaper at first to buy what they wanted rather than win it in a fair fight, and by buying they developed in the legislative bodies what we in New York call the "black horse cavalry." They are the strikers of the legislative body. If I am correctly informed, you gentlemen of the bar in Colorado know something of that. But the trusts are like the Philippines: We have the bull by the horns and we cannot let him go. We have got to deal with them; they cannot be abolished. As I said before, it is up to us to deal with them. On the other hand, we have the labor unions, which are also a trust as much as the others. And yet the labor unions, when you look at it fairly, have done lots for the laboring inan. Carroll D. Wright's statistics in this month's North American Review show that over fifty per cent. of the strikes have been successful, and while the financial loss to the workingman has been greater than his gain, yet he has demonstrated his power and has prevented himself from being put upon as otherwise he might, had he not struck. These problems are difficult to deal with. The same spirit of demagogism springs up east and west and everywhere. It is the stock in trade of the sand lot orator of Dennis Carney's time and of some of the single taxers of George's time not of George himself, for George was a fine, noble man, although I think there was hardly a single proposition that he ever put forth which was not economically unsound. We must have a government by law if we are to have liberty. But laws alone are inadequate, and if there is anything that seems to me strange it is that trusting and confiding belief in statute law which the reformer always has. He sees a moral evil and rushes off to the legislature to secure the enactment of a penal statute on the subject. Well, those of us who have had experience in administering laws to make people good get rather skeptical about them. I do not think law ever made any man very good. About the most that the wise man will try to do by law is to minimize evils and not affirmatively bring about an improvement. In our Eastern communities, in our large cities, the three great problems that are continually confronting us, debauching public life and public officers, mixing into

politics and swaying us hither and yon come from gambling, the social evil, and the liquor laws. And was there ever a more curious illustration of the cowardice of the legal profession, that ought to lead, than we find in the laws on these subjects? Such absolute hypocrisy, from Maine to Oregon and from the Canadian line to the Mexican border! Not one of those laws are observed; not one of them is enacted to be observed; but they stand on the statute books and the man who has the courage to stand in a legislative body against sentimental clamor and try to get one of these laws amended so as to be consonant with reason is damned politically for all time. I take it that this is the test of the enforcibility of a law: If you have a considerable body of persons in any community that does not yield willing obedience to a law, that law cannot be enforced. It is not enough to say that the majority voted for that law. Why are the laws in regard to larceny observed? They are not observed as they are to-day because the mass of the people are afraid to go to States prison, but they are observed as they are to-day because the great mass of the people recognize that there is a moral principle underlying them and yield willing and cheerful obedience, in a degree, to these laws, and the comparatively few cases of larceny that take place the criminal law can deal with, not very effectively, but in a measure. But there is a large element in every country that does not believe in laws on these subjects; there is a large element in every country that does not think it is violating the great and everlasting verities when it goes in and takes a drink on Sunday; and when you put a law on the statute book forbidding a man to get a drink on Sunday and encourage him in violating that law by placing the discretion of enforcing it even in the mayor of the city, you introduce blackmail into your police force and that spreads from one branch of the public service to the others. Corruption does not rest where it originally touches any more than a disease, but spreads throughout the whole body politic and debauches it. See how it runs through the whole public service in the City of New York, practically as a result of lack of wisdom in those three laws, until our whole great public service that requires an expenditure of a hun

dred million dollars a year is debauched. Why, during the campaign there was a story that I often told to audiences there that illustrates perfectly how corruption had spread. I went up to Litchfield County, in Connecticut, to attend a meeting of the University Club there, and was called on to speak of conditions in New York, and I said they were very bad, and I wanted to illustrate how blackmail was levied. This was a case that I had evolved entirely from my inner conscience. It was purely an imaginary one. I described how there was a shortage of lemons in New York, and how some merchant who had exceptional wisdom had cabled through London to Mediterranean ports and had secured freight for three or four thousand boxes of lemons on a fast steamer which came in twenty-four hours ahead of some of the slow steamers that were bringing lemons, and he was enabled to make by his foresight a dollar a box. He went up to the custom house to enter his goods, and when he went back on the wharf a fellow greeted him and said, "Are you Mr. So-and-so; are those your lemons?" "Yes," said the merchant. "I am the health inspector," said the man, "and I think those lemons will have to be hand-picked." Hand-picked meant thirty-six hours' delay, the incoming of the lemons on the other ships, the loss of his extra expenses, freight and everything. "What fixes it?" said the merchant. "Two hundred and fifty," said the inspector. "It goes," said the merchant. It was mere imagination, and yet so absolutely corrupt had become our public service that you could not imagine anything too bad. When I got back to the city next day a friend of mine, a fruit inspector, came into my chambers and sat around for awhile-it was after court adjourned and finally he said, "I might as well have it out; the Health Commissioner sent me down to find out how you got onto that lemon story."

: Well, when I get talking I get garrulous. Time runs on and there seem to be so many things that creep into a man's mind to say. But speaking of time, a rather good thing comes from somewhere up in Connecticut-and I don't mean, after the delightful hospitality and courtesy I have received, to say anything reflecting on this audience in any way at all, but the story is good enough to

tell. There was an old fellow up in my region by the name of Uncle Harvey. He was one of the shrewd old farmers up in that vicinity. There came along a bright, breezy young man selling incubators. There was not another such incubator to be found, according to his story, and he tackled Uncle Harvey on the subject one day, quoted his prices, etc. Uncle Harvey was very touchy to people he did not know and he didn't seem to respond very much, and as the time went by and the young man talked himself to a standstill, he finally said to Uncle Harvey, "You don't seem to appreciate these incubators." "No," said Uncle Harvey. "But," said the young man, “just think of the time they will save." "Well," said Uncle Harvey, "what the hell do I care for a hen's time?"

Well, I have galloped through several things, but I want to say before I finish, something which was in my heart all the time through the fight in New York, wherever I have talked; which has made me state to you that what I was to say was more or less of a sermon. There was nothing that impressed me so in the campaign in New York as the response that was given to the idea of the dignity and worth of American citizenship, right in the poor and humble quarters of the city on the East Side. I talked to audiences in that great East Side where almost the majority of the people in the audience could not understand the language in which I talked, whose fathers had come to this country with faith and trust, believing it was to be a land of liberty where the good rule, and they valued and looked upon as a precious treasure their right to vote, their right to be American citizens. And I went to our own people in the brown-stone districts, and shooting partridges and playing golf took them out of town on election day. An appeal to those people down on the East Side, not on the ground that their condition would be better if you were elected, but an appeal to them that it was not consonant with the dignity of American citizenship to be ruled by the plug-uglies, brought them to their feet every time with a response that would put heart into a man who really did love his country and believed in the old-fashioned idea of patriotism. We love finalities. We want to do the trick once and