An Irishman, it seems, is a being of a different fort. Scarcely an instance,' it is said, occurs of the wealth ⚫ and influence obtained by Irishmen in England, producing advantage to Ireland: they seem ashamed of the name, and eager to diveft themselves of all pretenfions " to it.'

Alas! Sir, it is painful to fee that men of understanding can refort to fuch grounds of oppofition, or suffer themselves to fall into reafonings and opinions scarcely fit for the most ordinary minds, and entirely unworthy of the cultivated sense which feems to belong to this gentleman, and ought to be the attribute of all who profess themselves either lawyers or statesmen.

If the difference in the general conduct of the Irish and Scotch were really as notorious as he has perfuaded himfelf it is, the experiment of the effects of an Union upon the former has not been tried, and he does not appear to have made any inquiry how the cafe ftood as to absentees from Scotland previous to 1707. He found an easier folution of the fuppofed difference in the hackneyed imputation or praise of Scotch nationality; he says it is a praife, and when duly regulated I think it is, though I verily believe not more due to the Scotch, than, where circumftances happen to be fimilar, to the Yorkshire, .Cornish, or Welfh man; or indeed to Frenchmen, Swedes, Danes, Germans, or Italians.

I imagine this gentleman would take it very ill, I think with reason, if a stranger were to pronounce fo unjukt

S

A Reply, &c. by Richard Jebb, Efq. p. 49.

2 Ibid, p. 50.

unjuft a judgment as he has done upon his countrymen. Unjut I certainly think it is; I myself could mention various ftriking inftances to the contrary of what he has alledged. I could felect from many others the example of a refpectable Nobleman of that country, who, after filling with great honour and credit fome of the principal offices of government here, retired to Ireland, and fuccefsfully devoted the remainder of his days to the improvement of that part of the kingdom where his chief property lay; having ever been, through the courfe of his political life, a watchful guardian of the interests and well-being of the whole. I mean the late Lord Hillsborough, whom I mention with the more pleasure, because he who underftood the affairs of Ireland fo well, is known to have been always a ftrenuous and anxious advocate for a legiflative Union. Sir, I could in like manner fpecify examples of Irish gentlemen in other walks of life, who having by their talents and exertions in remote countries, in the Eaft and in the Weft, acquired eminence and fortune, have returned to their native land, and, vesting their riches in purchases there, have become active and useful magiftrates, able commanders of the national troops, and members both of the one and the other House of Parliament.

But even if it were true, that fuch inftances have been more rare in Ireland than in Scotland, would it be any very extravagant conjecture to fuppofe, that the real reafons have been the greater tranquillity which prevails in the one in confequence of an Union, and the more turbuient and unsettled ftate of the other for want of it? Would not thofe indifputable circumftances of difference account. for fuch a difference in the conduct of the natives of the two countries, more fatisfactorily than fuppofed diftinc

tions of national character, which may ferve to amuse in a farce, or occafion merriment or quarrels in a coffeehouse, but can never be entitled to hold a place in grave difcuffion or serious debate?

But, Sir, the Gentlemen who in this place have re fifted the progrefs of the bufinefs now again brought before us;-as well thofe who object to the competency and general expediency;-as well the very few who I think have gone the length of declaring a rooted opinion, that the Union never can, at any time, or with any fort of confent, be advisable;-as thofe who profess, fome a belief, others even a wifh, that it may at fome future period be adopted;―all appear to concur in contending, that the present time and occafion are unfit; that the people of Ireland are not prepared; that they have not been habituated to the contemplation of the measure, as thofe of Scotland had been for above a century; that they have inveterate prejudices against it, which have now universally manifefted themselves, and which ought to be first by gentle and gradual means removed: whereas, as has also, been alledged, it was always the favourite project of Scotland. Lastly, two other plans have been propounded,-plans widely different the one from the other, by which it is supposed that those diforders and misfortunes of Ireland which a legislative Union would only exaggerate, might be cured, and the dangers which are apprehended even to Great Britain from fuch a Union, prevented.

As to the time, I differ fo much from thofe Gentlemen, that if on other occafions the measure would have been wife, I believe it has now become neceffary. In fupport of which opinion, I cannot imagine a more convincing argu

argument than the avowed, the long avowed, fear of a Union, among that too numerous clafs of men in Ireland, who have now openly profeffed their plan and object to be, a Separation. I need not again mention the declarations of Tone, or the confeffions of Emmet, M'Nevin, and others. The proof is deeply engraven on all our memories. It has been written in characters of blood over the whole face of that defolated ifland. But when I know that the affociates of thofe very men by whom the arms were forged which were intended for the deftruction of the true independency, liberty, and conftitution of their country, and who prepared that moral and political poison which was to corrupt and extinguish every virtuous and religious, every British principle, in the minds of their country, are full of trembling apprehenfions, left this falutary antidote fhould be administered in time—can I, aware as I am of the profound no lefs than wicked views, and the no lefs extraordinary than perverted talents of fome of thofe men-can I withstand fuch strong confirmation of the opinion, which on other, and more general grounds, forces itself fo powerfully on my mind, that we are come at laft to that only alternative, Speedy Union, or early Separation?

As to thofe other and more general grounds to which I have once before alluded, I wish I could, confiftently with the orders of the Houfe, refer to the ftrong and demonstrative reasoning concerning them, which fome of us may have had an opportunity of hearing delivered elfewhere. They are among the most important branches of the fubject, but are too copious and extensive for me to enter upon at present.

3

It

'Lord Minto's Speech in the House of Lords, 11th April 1799, fince printed.

1

It is faid, we ought to wait for a moment of peace and general tranquillity. If by this is understood general internal tranquillity in Ireland, I am afraid, to judge of the future by the paft, the adjournment muft be, as my Right Hon. Friend+ described it, ad Græcas Kalendas. But are we to wait till the general peace of Europe shall be restored? Alas! there feems at prefent no very near or diftinct epoch difcernible for that happy event. And in the mean time, our enemies, in directing their arts and their arms to their favourite object of wrefting from us our fifter kingdom, are to enjoy the advantages accruing to them, both from the want of a true political confent of parts in the prefent complex and ill-conftructed machine of our imperial legiflation, and from the cun ning industry of their revolutionary allies in Ireland, who even now are endeavouring to obtain the co-operation of fome of the men who have hitherto been their most determined foes, and the moft zealous friends of Great Britain, by working on their blind and unfounded jealousy of the British Parliament, and entrapping those infatuated persons into a conduct which, if not counteracted, may enable them to accomplish the fatal end of their deteftable confpiracies.

Was the Union in Scotland undertaken or carried into effect in a time of external or domeftic peace? Far otherwife. But then it is faid, that when it was negotiated and completed, the arms of Great Britain and her allies were triumphant. In answer to this, it need only be obferved, that the treaty must be confidered as having

4 Mr. Windham.

5 The fuccefs of his Majefty's allies, fince the time when this was ftated, has fortunately rendered the parallel more exact in that particular than it could then have been contended to be.