pire, be incompatible with its imperial interefts, or tend to feparate Ireland from it.'

To analyfe this matter more in detail. The Great Seal of Great Britain cannot be put to an Irish bill but by the Chancellor or Lord Keeper of that feal, who will feldom execute this duty of his office without the concurrence of those other Minifters of State, members of the British Council, who conftitute what is called the Cabinet. Every act fo done, though under the command of the King, is an executive, not a legiflative act, which the Minifter advises and performs at his peril, liable to be called to account for it by impeachment in this Parliament. His Majefty's perfonal expreffion of his affent to an Irifh ftatute is perhaps as purely legislative as that by which he affents to a British law; but every public act done by a fubject, except his fpeaking and voting in Parliament, is in its nature executive, and that for which he is refponfible. In the fentence I just now took the liberty to repeat, there feems to be implied fome notion or fuggeftion that the refponfibility of the British Minifters is confined. to the cafe of Irish ftatutes affecting the empire at large, or tending to a feparation of the two kingdoms. The Irish act referred to, fays no fuch thing. It is indeed very common to hear a diftinction made between acts of the Irish Parliament concerning the local policy and interests of that kingdom, and those whofe objects are imperial.. In a popular fenfe, and in extreme cafes, fuch a diftinc-. tion no doubt exifts. A road or eftate bill in Ireland can hardly, by any poffibility, concern the empire at large; and it might be folly in a British Chancellor or Cabinet to exercise any judgment, or apprehend any responsibility,

b Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 24.

in regard to it. But the law draws no line, and in every Irish ftatute of any confiderable moment the empire must be more or less concerned. Who is to judge of the degree. in which it is fo, or of the propriety and safety of advising his Majefty to receive or reject any fuch ftatute? who but the Minifter or Minifters who may be questioned for giving that advice, and carrying it into effect? a question which any member for any county or borough in this kingdom may ftir whenever he pleases. I must therefore afk again, whether this does not prove that there ftill remains not a fhadowy, but a real and substantial subordination or dependence of the Irish on the British Parliament; a dependence or fubordination inherent in the very nature of the present mode of connexion between the two countries.

The following paffage will be found entirely to agree with what is above stated: I do not hesitate to say, that in thus rendering the Great Seal of Britain neceffary to the paffing an Irish law, if we created a theoretic difference in the constitution of the two kingdoms, ' which renders ours inferior, it is one not injurious to us, but neceffary from our fituation in the empire*. To fome of the concluding part of the fame paragraph I can by no means affent, viz. And one with which we are content, and which fecures Union and connexion on a firm and lafting bafis.' The perfon whose words these are, and most of the friends of Great Britain in Ireland, may be content with the inferiority he mentions, or at least prefer it to the misfortune of feparation; but how it should be thought that a mere act of the Irish Parliament, which may be repealed as it was enacted, can fecure a lafting Union and connexion, 'efpecially with our late experience of the alarming exer tions of fo many enemies of Great Britain, at home and and abroad, to destroy that connexion, is really matter of furprise. Is the Irish act of 21 & 22 Geo. III. a parchment roll of greater and more permanent force and virtue than a treaty of Union, ratified by both Legislatures, would bet?

* Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 24.

Ibid. p. 51, 63.

With

With regard to the executive government, its fubordination is ftill more obvious. The King's folemn com-' mands, to be executed in Ireland, are either communicated to the Lord Lieutenant when he enters upon his office by his commiffion and general inftructions under the feals of Great Britain, or by King's letters, transmitted from time to time, and counterfigned by one of the Secretaries of State, or, in revenue matters, by the Lord Treasurer or three of the Lords of the Treafury. This course of business, if I recollect rightly, is reported to have been ftated nearly as I have taken the liberty of doing, by a diftinguished Peer of both kingdoms, in the Irish House of Lords, about a year ago.

What is the confequence of all this? Ireland is ftill jealous of her independency. We are told by many, that she conquered that independency, and will maintain it by the fword: fhe therefore revolts at the practical exercise of powers conftitutionally vefted in the Parliament and Minifters of this country. The government here, partly from the fear of renewing former or exciting new animofities, partly from other causes, are fuppofed in general cafes to leave matters to the Irish Parliament, and the Minifters of that country. From time to time, however, points will occur where there may appear strong and cogent reasons for their exercifing their own judgment and difcretion, and this perhaps in a manner contrary to the fentiments prevailing with the fervants of the Crown in Ireland. In fuch cases the difficulty may often be furmounted by the prudence of confidential intercourse, and the adoption of fome middle way, fuggefted by good temper and good

The Earl of Moira. Report of the Debate on his Lordship's motion, 19th February 1798, p. 46.

fenfe

fenfe on the one fide and the other, fo as not to alarm the dignity of Ireland, or commit the imperial authority refident here. But more than once, even fince I have had my attention directed to Irish affairs, fituations have arisen in which the English Ministry have thought it their duty (whether they were right or wrong on those particular occafions, is not now the point) to exercife, without fuch a temperature, an immediate controuling authority in Ireland. Now, Sir, whenever this has happened they have incurred more than the hazard of rousing the jealousy, and affronting the high spirit of fome of those perfons in that kingdom who had been accustomed to a leading fhare in the measures of her government, and may think they are confcious to themselves of a fuperior knowledge of her affairs.

Here then is a dilemma which has already occafioned many difficulties, and which, unless fome remedy can be applied, and fome alteration take place, will, I fear, in future, be the fource of growing embarraffment to both governments, and much ill blood between the two countries; nor can I fee the poffibility of any alteration which can have the effect of a remedy whilft the present system remains. His Majesty, in order to exercise his legislative and executive functions, múft either go to Ireland; or he muft exercise them through the medium of fervants, refponfible and impeachable here; or Ireland, by its representatives, must come to England. The first of these plans would only remove the difficulty as to Ireland by throwing it upon Great Britain; and befides, the refidence. of the King of the British dominions any where but in Great Britain will hardly be propofed. The fecond we have fhewn to be incompatible with the real independency of Irish legislative and executive government. The third, therefore,

therefore, only remains; i. e. fuch a legislative Union and incorporation, as that the Irish nation shall be represented in this country by an adequate number of Lords and Commoners, returned to serve at Westminster in a common or united Parliament. Then, indeed, it will be no longer true of Ireland, that the muft tamely follow Great • Britain with fubmiffion and fubferviency; then the will be no longer gens quæ juxta jacet, dubiæ libertatis; the country and its legiflation will then, by their identification with this, be truly independent. They never can be fo otherwise, unless Ireland will feparate herself from Great Britain, and can truft to her own ftrength and means in refifting, or to the liberality of our enemies in not attempting to impofe upon her the yoke of a government really foreign.

Having said so much on the topics of general policy, in refpect to legislation and executive government, I will now, with the leave of the Houfe, examine this queftion of Union, as it may affect the interefts of Ireland in her trade, manufactures, and agriculture; interests which, when rightly understood, mutually affift each other, and which may be confidered together, being liable in moft inftances to be improved or injured by the fame caufes.

The advocates against a Union have used much subtlety, though, in general, little method or order, in arguing this part of the subject. As far as I have been able to arrange what they have faid, they feem to contend that Ireland is now in a moft flourishing fituation, and in a state of progreffive improvement; that the owes this, in the firft place, to a compact under which her linen trade has been cultivated with the most happy fuccefs; and in the next, to that more folemn compact with Great Britain, the