But furely it can never be intended seriously to maintain, that Great Britain profits as much by the industry, skill, and labour employed by the people of the Eaft and Weft Indies in manufacturing for the use of these kingdoms their own raw materials, as Ireland does by thofe of her inhabitants engaged in her domeftic fabrics. Indeed, as to the British Weft Indian and American colonies, it feems to me that fince a full participation in the trade with them has been opened to Ireland, the opulence acquired by manufactures or otherwife in thofe parts of the British dominions, in as far as it is not to be confidered as merely local, merely Weft Indian or American, is to be reckoned not British more than Irish, but imperial; and this is also true as to the Eaft Indies, fuppofing the Irish act of 1793d to have fecured to Ireland as great a fhare of commercial intercourfe with that country as he had in any way the means of carrying on; a fuppofition more than warranted by the little or rather I believe no ufe fhe has made of the privileges fince she obtained it. With regard to the shipping, undoubtedly Great Britain is a gainer by carrying the East and West India articles required for the confumption of Ireland. But could Ireland, all circumftances confidered, obtain thofe articles fo beneficially in any other way? Her own tonnage is not equal to the carriage of her own produce and manufactures to this country; and in the present state of things, even the reft of Europe is almoft entirely fupplied by Great Britain, notwithstanding the protection the naval commerce of feveral other ftates derives from their neutrality. When to thefe confiderations we add the immenfe variety of channels of a more advantageous nature, in a mercantile view, in which d Irish acts, 33 Geo, III, c. 31. it is well known that the British capital vefted in this branch of her carrying trade might be employed, we fhall not eafily be perfuaded to place whatever gain arifes from it to the credit fide of Ireland, in fettling accounts between that country and this. 2. Under the general head of raw materials, &c. exported from Ireland, have been included, by the description of articles of prime neceffity, beef, butter, pork, corn, and other provifions; Irish linen yarn is also claffed under this head; while cheese, fish, such as cod and herrings, &c. and. raw filk and cotton yarn, are articles claffed as manufac tures among the British exports. But in comparisons of this fort, the expreffion of raw • materials' has been generally used to fignify matters which conftitute the bafis of a manufacture, and contribute thereby much more to the wealth of the country to which they are carried, and where they are worked up, than in their rude ftate they had done to that of the country fupplying them. In this fenfe beef, corn, &c. cannot with any propriety be ranked under that defcription; they add nothing to the wealth of the country importing them; they continue just worth the price at firft paid for them, and in the case under our confideration, if not obtained from Ireland, the fame capital would probably procure them elsewhere, or might be directed to the production of them at home. 1 3. Although the fum of 970,000l. by the title of colonial goods, had been added under the firft of these three heads a We are not here to reckon the mere mercantile profit they may af ford in their unaltered state; the price paid for them would have furnished a like profit employed in any other way, and will, having been fo eme ployed, furnish a like profit to the feller. to the amount of British manufactures exported to Ireland, it is here retained to make up the gross sum of 1,468,173%. as the value of foreign articles taken by Ireland from Great Britain, and is thus twice charged against this country: this has clearly happened by mistake, though it makes a most material difference indeed in the refult. But it is faid the excess of gain to Great Britain must appear prodigious, if we confider that of all that grofs fum • of near a million and a half, only 407,0col. is Eaft India trade; and that what remains, to the value of above a million, is open to be imported direct to Ireland, were she • obliged or inclined to import it fod.' - Undoubtedly it is open to her; but if she could do it to advantage, will any man who knows the nature of trade fuppofe that she would not have the inclination, but would fuffer Great Britain to gain from her what she does by thus acting as her carrier? The truth is, the wants shipping and capital, what she has being neceffarily occupied to better advantage, or for more neceffary purposes; and such being the cafe, can we in fairnefs be required to fet this down as a benefit which Great Britain holds at the good-will of her fifter kingdom? Thus, Sir, I think we must still retain the belief hitherto fo prevalent with the generality of those in both countries, who have molt deeply confidered fuch matters, that in their commercial intercourfe the balance between them is greatly in favour of Ireland; and it follows of course, that Ireland, in the prefent relative fituation of the two kingdoms, muft depend entirely on the policy and wifdom of the British Parliament for the continuance of what Mr. Fofer's Speech, p. 81. ever part of her general profperity fhe derives from that fource. This indeed is fometimes admitted: it is admitted that Great Britain, by what is called a war of duties and prohibitions, might injure Ireland for a time; of this America, it is faid, affords ample proof; but that Britain herself muft fuffer in fuch a contest, and that her wisdom, her liberality, and her own interest will forbid her entering into fuch hoftilities. I entirely agree in the pofition that it is not only liberal, but wife, and for her own advantage, that the present fyftem should be persevered in by this country, though I regret that America should have been unneceffarily mentioned, and this at the very time, and as it were with the fame breath with which the Right Hon. Gentleman who has propofed a Union, was in my opinion most unjustly accufed of holding out threats to induce Ireland to accede to it. Alas! Sir, have we then no inftances where the wifeft nations have departed from the line of found policy, and by the operation of various causes on the natural frailty of human counfels and conduct, adopted measures at once injurious to themfelves and their neighbours; or is wisdom of conduct to be the poffeffion in perpetuity-the exclufive right-of all the fucceffive Adminiftrations and Parliaments which, in all times to come, are to hold the reins of government, and exercise the functions of legislation in Great Britain? Should the principles which now prevail on commercial fubjects lofe their influence; fhould difputes, paffion, and animofity, ever take their place in adjufting the relations of trade between the two islands; to what binding laws, to what inviolable treaty can Ireland Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 90, 91. appeal? appeal? or what will then avail towards compelling the admiffion of her commodities into the British ports and markets, or the exportation of what she may want from thence, her own Parliament, the fuppofed adequate guardian of her trade, its vigilance, its regulations, and its bounties? Will the independence and diftinctness of that Parliament be able to ward off the blow, which on fuch a fuppofition may be aimed at her prosperity, when the shall have fhut her ears to that warning voice which now calls upon her to listen to the falutary measure by which alone she can be really and completely fecured against the poffibility of fuch an evil? We are, it is true, too apt to think, when we think fuperficially, that our descendants will never relapse into errors fimilar to those of our forefathers, from which we have escaped; and that what appears right and wife to us, must be thought fo by them. But does experience confirm this opinion? Those who have attended to the great and numerous fluctuations of fyftem in our national policy foreign and domeftic, will, I believe, decide otherwise. We think our fathers fools, fo wife we grow : is the fenfible, though perhaps not very poetical reflection of a great and fagacious poet. Have we not heard the obfolete notion of making Ireland a British garrison, revived in this House, and from a moft refpectable quarter? On the present occafion it was indeed, I think, a fingle, and, if the Hon. Gentleman will pardon the expreffion, a fingular opinion; but a change of times and circumftances may perhaps render it lefs fo. I dread to reflect on the poffibility of |