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of its ever becoming reasonable; thofe, however, who will have to determine, may think it fo, when the fentiments of none of us can have any fhare in the deliberation.

What was the cafe of Scotland? every body must now admit that, being under the fame king, who was also head of both Parliaments, and with the rules of fucceffion to the crown (till the Revolution) the fame in both kingdoms, it would have been the intereft of England to have encouraged the trade of Scotland, and conferred upon her every favour that could have tended to increase her profperity. But how different was the conduct the actually held to her? Was the Parliament of Scotland lefs independent than the Irish Parliament has been fince 1782? and does it not appear from history that Scotland was to the full as defirous, had the had the means of establishing a national commerce, and rivalling in her proportion the trade and manufactures of the neighbouring kingdom, as Ireland can now poffibly be to retain and augment those which fhe at prefent poffeffes?

In 1785, those perfons in Ireland who in my opinion had the best knowledge of her interests, did not think the advantages fhe then enjoyed from her commercial connexion with Great Britain, were fufficiently fafe under the fhield of British acts and British policy; they wished to have the fecurity of a legiflative compact,' and this country was defirous to give them that fecurity, in as binding and permanent a form as was compatible with the existence of diftinct Legislatures. The mistaken jealousy of fpeculative independence defeated the plan. It is now proposed to give

Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 87.

them

them a legislative security of a much more binding nature, one as indissoluble as human wisdom can devife or imagine ; but we are now told by fome of the ftrongest advocates for the much more imperfect measure of that year, even in respect to commerce, that a compact by Union, to diffolve which no legitimate authority would any longer exist in either country, would be a measure pregnant with danger and mischief to Irish trade and manufactures. Sir, with what fuccefs the confiftency of these fentiments has been contended for, I fhall leave to others to determine; it is now, it seems, thought fafeft folely to trust to a connexion riveted on the interefts, the fentiments, and the affections of both nations, and those rivets closed and kept firm by the regulations of 1782°.'

Some admit that there are commercial benefits ftill left for Great Britain to beftow; that a perfectly free communication between the two islands, a complete interchange of commodities of all forts, without the charge of any kind of duty in their tranfit from the one to the other, would greatly redound to the advantage of Ireland; that she would then fend more manufactured goods to Great Britain than she yet does, and receive a greater quantity and variety of raw materials from thence. But then it is afked, why should not this country complete her fyftem of liberality to the fifter kingdom? That is in one moment called liberality, which in another is defcribed as mere felfishness, or an unwilling ranfom extorted by intimidation. Why fhould the not grant to Ireland, without the condition of a Union, what by benefiting her muft alfo benefit herself?

d Mr. Foffer's Speech, p. 91.

Ibid, p. 109. Vide alfo p. 48. 51. 55. 63.

Others

Others however tell us, that if the British minifter were to ask them what farther trade could be opened? what new manufactures promoted? their anfwer would be, You can give us nothing, and our only request on the part of Ireland is, that you will let us alone a.'

Both thefe grounds are taken by different perfons in arguments against a Union, and for the purpose of proving that Ireland either ought to obtain, or, if fhe has already obtained, ought for ever to be permitted to poffefs every poffible benefit of trade she can derive from this kingdom, without our propofing that she should agree to that meafure; that is, agree to a fettlement which, while it would. afford the only permanent fecurity for those benefits, would, in my opinion, at the fame time confer others of a ftill more important nature than any commercial advantage whatever, both on that country and on this.

With that opinion, I do not fcruple to fay, in regard to fuch commercial boons as may ftill be left in the power of Great Britain, that I would not be hafty to part with them if there were any chance that a belief that they can only be acquired through a Union might work in its favour on the selfish tempers of those who overlook the many more weighty political reafons for its adoption.

As to the advantages which have already been granted, though it may be true that, in contributing to the profperity of Ireland, they alfo promote that of the whole empire, of which the forms fo material a part; what if the machinations of foreign and domeftic enemies,-the fuggeftions of ill-directed national vanity,-the exaggerated

Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 77.

M

and

and mistaken principle of independence, and the reftlefs and profelytical spirit of democracy, fhould fucceed in tearing asunder this mighty limb from the imperial body; would it, in fuch case, be ftill for the intereft of Great Britain to continue the laws by which those advantages have been bestowed?

Sir, I do not like to pursue this train of reflection; but I am fatisfied, for many reasons which I think muft occur to all who hear me, and of which some have been lately stated in another place with irresistible ftrength and perfpicuity of argument, that those causes are at this moment operating, fome of them open and avowed, others more filent, and scarcely perceptible to the very persons actuated by them, but all with such increasing energy, that if a Union does not foon take place, a feparation unfortunate to Great Britain and ruinous to Ireland certainly will.

I have already mentioned my perfuafion, that the people of Ireland will in time, after a really final fettlement of the connexion and relations between the two countries by an incorporating Union, experience the advantages of a communication of English capital and credit. This pofition, when stated by much more weighty authority, has been treated, I find, as a foolish, abfurd, futile, and unfupported affertion a," How this felection of epithets should have been so made and applied by a person of known judgment, good temper, and urbanity, it is not my business to inquire; but I think the affertion, which by the by, as it related to what may be expected to happen, was an affertion only of opinion and belief, may be confidered as ap-.

,

• Mr. Foßter's Speech, p. 68. 76.

proaching

proaching as nearly to a prediction of the truth as any thing can do, which mere human forefight may conje&ure and pronounce concerning future confequences and events. Is much argument necessary to convince us that monied men will be more ready than at present to lend their capital on landed fecurity, or to pledge their credit by partnerships in trade and manufactures in that country, after it fhall poffefs a steady uniformity of government,-the fame legiflature with themselves, an established conformity of legal decifions to those whereby their property is regulated and secured at home,-internal peace and habitual industry?

But a detail is gone into to fhew that English money is not likely to be tranfported to Ireland and vefted there, either in trade or manufactures.

If I understand the general scope of that detail, and if I do not, it must be owing to the little familiarity I have with fuch fubjects, it is this: rft, A Union will not carry over English capital to be employed in the manufactory in Ireland of any of the great articles of confumption with which we now fupply that country, viz. woollens, cotton, goods, iron, and pottery, because England has advantages for those fabrics not to be found in Ireland, which will always render them so much cheaper in the former country, that the Irish confumer will rather import them from thence, than buy them as made at home. 2d, Neither will a Union induce the English capitalist to establish such manufa&tures in Ireland for exportation to foreign markets, because those foreign markets have been long as open to Ireland as they can be after a Union, and yet no fuch establishments have taken place. 3d, As it will not carry over English capital

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