administrations, not one could be exculpated of all those who have at any time had a share in the government of the empire, from the days of Burleigh, Bacon, and Walfingham, down to the days of their present fucceffors in the refponfible departments of the ftate; neither Lord Strafford, a name not free perhaps from juft reproach, but illuftrious alfo for talents and virtues to which his defcendant the noble earl I have mentioned must look back with fatisfaction and pride, nor Lord Clarendon, the Dukes of Ormond, Lord Somers, Lord Cowper, Sir Robert Walpole, Mr. Pelham, &c. &c. any more than thofe whom we ourselves have known at different times entrusted by his prefent Majesty with the conduct of public affairs. But do gentlemen seriously believe that all the fucceffive meafures of fo many great, enlightened, and liberal statesmen were infpired by blind ignorance, tyrannical oppreffion, or infatuated folly? Sir, I cannot agree in such a lampoon, both on the memory of so many great men whom I have learned to reverence and admire, and on the general principles and practice of the English government for more than two centuries. I believe every thing which wife and impartial policy could fuggeft has, at different times, been tried, and alas! tried in vain, during that long period; though it cannot be denied that occafions have alfo intervened, where paffion, prejudice, and shortfighted maxims of government have prevailed. But on the whole, the unavoidable conclufion is this-to adopt the words of one of the learned barristers to whom I referred in an early part of what I have fubmitted to the House, as I have feen them reported- There is fome < radical error in the fyftem of Irish government, and this fhould be fought for and corrected, else the feeds of difcontent will fructify for ever. The gentleman

indeed feems to have meant a radical error, not in the frame and conflitution, but in the adminiftration of the Irish Government. That opinion I have, I think, clearly refuted. To what remaining fource then are we to trace this fundamental defect, whofe exiftence is fo manifeft? To what other can it be traced, but to the imperfections incident to a local and diftinct Parliament, in a country forming but part, and the leaft powerful part, of an extensive empire; to that Parliament which, though often, and how I believe particularly, containing in it men of as great talents and integrity as can exist any where, has yet, after the experience of ages, been found inadequate to provide an effectual remedy for the hitherto `incurable maladies of the country?

Permit me, Sir, here to advert to certain arguments I have lately met with, to prove that it cannot be expected that an incorporated Legiflature, affembled at Westminfter, fhould be able to tranquillize Ireland, or gradually' establish civilization and a peaceable fubmiffion to the authority of the laws among the lower orders of its inhabitants. Such a Parliament will be unacquainted, it seems, with the local circumftances of a kingdom which it • never fees,' and will be at too great a distance to adminifter in time to the wants or wifhes of the people, or to guard against exceffes or discontents. One might suppose, from this statement, that the Irish Parliament is in a continual progrefs through the island, or ready to fly at a móment from one end of it to the other, whenever wishes are to be gratified, or difcontents fuppreffed. Does the British Legiflature, in its aggregate ftate, ever fee more

Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 65.

of

*

of Great Britain than is contained within the walls of this or the other House of Parliament ? or is it not the province of the Executive Minifters of Government, not of the Legiflature, on fudden emergencies, to difpenfe inftant favours or apply inftant coercion, if the good of the community fhall require the one fort of interpofition or the other? fubject, no doubt, to the cenfure of the Legiflature, if they fhall unneceffarily on fuch occafions tranfgrefs, but entitled to indemnity if they fhall appear to have acted wifely in exceeding, the bounds of their lawful authority.

Since, as has been truly faid, neither peace nor war • necessarily require the act of either Legiflatured, and the fupreme Executive Government in London is, by the constitution of the empire, entrusted with the care of repelling any fadden and unexpected invafion 'even of Ire land, by a foreign enemy, one would imagine the branches of that Executive Government which will continue refident in Dublin, might be fuppofed adequate to whatever immediate measures any emergency alike sudden and unexpected may call for, towards the fuppreffion of riots, infurrection, or rebellion in that country.

I am most willing and ready to allow an extraordinary merit to the energy of the Irish Parliament during the late fatal rebellion, which the concurrent exertions of both Legiflatures, of the Executive Government în both countries, and, above all, of the brave troops of Ireland and Great Britain, under the benign providence of God, have fo fortunately repressed, though, I fear, not totally extinguished, but I should think it an ill compli

▸ Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 53.

ment

ment to the Irish Parliament and the Irish nation, were I to fuppofe that the diftinguished share they have had in the happy change which has been effected, could be in any great degree ascribed to the impreffion made by a proceffion of two hundred Members of that Parliament, with the mace at their head, through the streets of Dublin, from College Green to the Castlea

It seems this idea of a refident Legiflature is to be carried fo far as to warrant the fuppofition, that if Scotland had had its Parliament fitting at Edinburgh, the confpiracy which has been traced to that country, would have been fooner developed, and more completely crushed. Is it then recommended that the Scotch Union fhould be diffolved? Or is the Parliament in London only competent to preferve tranquillity on the fouth fide of the Tweed?

It is afked, if a refident Parliament and refident gentry cannot foften the manners, amend the habits, or promote focial intercourfe, will no Parliament and fewer refident gentry do it. I anfwer this by another queftion, Has -what is called a resident Parliament done it? It has not, it is not pretended that it has. And as to the United Legiflature being no Parliament for Ireland, I have endeavoured, and I trust with fuccefs, to fhew, in a former part of what I have faid, how extremely ill-founded that propofition is. With regard to the refidence of the Irish gentry, I fhall fubmit a few obfervations by and by. None, in my opinion, are requifite in answer to the remarks concerning the plots which have existed in this kingdom, and the pertinacious adherence of the Welsh to their national language, and of the Highlanders to theirs

* Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 66.

b Ibid.

Ibid. p. 64.

and

and their ancient drefsa. For who can be perfuaded as to thofe circumstances (the firft moft ferious indeed, but of a temporary nature, and arifing from accidental causes; the others fuch as are not to be changed, if fuch a change is really important, but by the gradual and flow operation of increafing intercourfe) that there is any fort of comparison between them and the rooted evils of habitual resistance to all law, and infurrection against all legitimate authority, so prevalent in Ireland?

It has been faid, Will a legislative Union appease Catholic discontent, or affuage the animofity of the Protestants? I answer, I am fatisfied the feparate Parliament of Ireland never will, perhaps with fafety it never can, admit the Catholics to participate in the higher political privileges of the ftate; and the Catholics will never quietly fubmit to an Irish Parliament exclufively Proteftant, having learned to confider that exclufive jurifdiction as an oppreffive tyrannical ufurpation of the few upon the many. Perhaps a United Parliament may find it fafe to admit them; and if their admiffion were fafe, their exclufion would thenceforward be unjust. I will not now enter into the argument of that grave and momentous question. I have often and long reflected upon it; and, if the occasion shall ever require it, I fhall be ready freely to deliver my fentiments in regard to it. I do not think the prefent occafion calls for its difcuffion. I will only observe, that it seems to be the opinion as well of fome of thofe who understand the interefts of the Proteftant establishment and are moft peculiarly. bound in duty to guard and maintain them, as of fome who have come forward in public the earnest and zealous oppofers of the Catholic claims fhould the prefent local

Mr. Fofter's Speech, p. 67.

Parliament