I hope that all the inhabitants of Ireland will ob. ferve and remember, that the noble author has heard an atrocious policy avowed in the public councils, by which they (the Irish) were to be armed and let loofe upon one another." I hope the Proteftant and the Catholic, the Orangeman and the United Irishman, will never forget this confeffion; that they will difappoint fuch fanguinary views, and elude fuch the invidious endeavours of their plaufible tyrants. Amongst many other artful attempts in this fhallow production, is that to reconcile the English by flattery and adulation of the groffeft fort, to a measure, which is almoft as injurious to their interefts as to thofe of Ireland. But if they can be cajoled by the trite expreffions of r great and generous nation," &c. &c. and the fulsome cant about "the virtues, the moderation, and the magnanimity of Britain," fufficiently to induce them to throw fuch a degree of power into the hands of a Minifter, who has already disfigured the face of their once beautiful conftitution, with the fcars of defpotifm* I fhall only say that they are not the independent people I fuppofed them to be, and that the iron hand of power has injured them more than the Irish, by degrading their minds, and extinguishing that fpirit of liberty which aggrandized their country, in vigorated its commerce, and enriched its inhabitants. Do they fuppofe that the importation of fixty Alas! Power daily encroaches upon Liberty, with a fuccefs too evi dent; and the balance between them is almost lost. ty or an hundred Irish mercenaries, will not add to their hourly-encreafing penal laws? Do they ima gine that any Irishman, poffeffed of honeft principles or public virtue, will ever be returned to the Imperial Parliament? Do they expect that men who fell the interests of their own country, will shew any forbearance towards theirs? No. Much as they are deceived, and great as the efforts are to delude them, they must be fenfible that none of the "Anglo-Irish" Senators will ever confider any but their own individual intereft. Men who have facrificed the welfare of their own country, for the paltry compenfation of a few thousands, a new name,* or a bit of ribbon, will not fcruple to facrifice that of another country with equal facility. I have no doubt of the fincerity with which the noble author would rejoice to see the island of Hibernia poffeffed of the fame degree of independence as "Scotland is, or Yorkfhire, or Cornwall;" but I ftill trust that there exifts a fufficient virtue in the land, to reject, with con tempt, the proffered boon. As for the United Irishmen (whom the noble author, in page 43, feems to confider as a party diftinct from the Catholics, though in other places he appears to fuppofe that all the Catholics are rebels, as well as all the rebels Catholics), I shall not attempt to vindicate their actions, or pretend to develope their motives; but the noble author has made fo many false affertions in the course of this work, that it is not impoffible that his account of the United *Or nick-name, as Godwin very truly calls it. Irishmen Irishmen may be remote from the truth. In fu ture days, when the clouds of prejudice shall be difpelled, and the diftortions of mifrepresentation removed; when those who now exert their various talents for the advantage or deftruction of their fellow creatures, shall be no more; when peace fhall return to bless the earth, and events long past shall be confidered with impartiality; the United men of Ireland will be judged according to their merits, and the clear voice of truth will be heard in their defence, or in their condemnation. Their motives, their intentions, and their errors, cannot now be difcuffed with any degree of justice or propriety→→ I fhall therefore dismiss the subject. It is very evident that the descriptions of persons on whom Minifters moft fear and doubt their power of impofition, are the humane, moderate men of all fects, and the loyal Roman Catholics; a confiderable body, whom they wish to attach to their party. The noble author imagines, that by affecting to believe all the Catholics difaffected, he will terrify the timid, and fhock the courageous; by holding out the lure of complete emancipation, he will flatter the vain, and rouse the ambitious ; * Men have been ever deceived by good names, into an approbation of ill things, fanctified by thofe names. Impolture and delufion have been called religion, and thought fo; oppreffion and rapine have been called government, and esteemed government; teachers have degenerated into deceivers, submission into slavery; without changing their names: power and right have been ever confounded; and fuccefs, or the want of fuccefs, has turned villainy into virtue, and virtue into villainy. Cato's Letters, 2d Vol. p. 17. and and by expreffing a deteftation and abhorrence of the Orange faction and their offences, he will gra+ tify the refentful, and cajole the benevolent. In short, it is very clear that he intends to deceive all parties, and to promote the impending Union, by oppofing them to each other. But furely the loyal Catholics may prove their attachment to the exifte ing Government, without meanly acceding to a measure detrimental to themselves and to their Proteftant brethren; they may reasonably expect a fpeedy removal of their prefent difqualifications, from a Parliament which has already removed fo many of their grievances; and they may hope to fee the prejudices of the Orange party difpelled, without feeing Ireland degraded and destroyed. Indeed it is earnestly to be wished, that their com, mon wrongs may annihilate their mutual dislikes that they will ceafe to be the dupes of men whe have excited diffenfions between them, for the purpose of fubjugating both parties; that the Catholic will remember that the Orangeman is his brother Irishman, and that the Orangeman will recollect that if the Conftitution (eftablished at the glorious revolution) which he has fworn to defend, be affailed by English Ministers, he is bound to oppofe their endeavours. If the Conftitution be injured, is it of any confequence whether it be by a Pope or a Prime Minifter? And if we are to have innovations, fhould it make any difference to us whether they are introduced by an Irish Catholic or an English Proteftant? For my own part, I confider the Orangemen to be the party principally bound bound to oppofe this threatened Union, and I most ardently hope that all defcriptions, religious and political, will join in endeavouring to prevent a meafure which will injure each, and benefit none. That there must be, in a land fo populous as this, fome villains who would wish to enrich themselves by the destruction of their fellow-creatures, I am ready to admit; but I flatter myself for the honor of my beloved country, that those monsters are only a fmall number. This fmall number, the noble author appears (in page 44) to claim as the British colony," and I have no wish to difpute with him the honor and advantage of their affinity. I am contented to refign them to him, and to denominate the remaining inhabitants of Ireland "native Irish," and my brethren. To you, my Catholic brethren, I address myfelf in particular, intreating you to remark and remember that the noble author fays, that " revenge "and the hope of prey, are your undisguised mo❝tives; and you are only fo far lefs abfurd or less guilty than the colonist he has defcribed, as you "believe yourselves to have a right, according to "the laws of imprefcriptibility, to poffefs the lands, "which no time, no length of poffeffion can alien❝ate, no acquiefcence transfer; and you rely for your hope of fuccefs upon a Government, which " as it were from the very centre and focus of robbery, adopts and affifts every fpecies of plunder, attack upon every poffeffion, every inno every F "vation |