*vation* of right, and principle, and law, and pro "perty." Behold, my brethren, the character given of you by an authorized ministerialist-and will you not oppose to the utmost of your power, the pernicious measure which such a person wishes, and exerts himfelf to recommend? Were there no other or better motive for your oppofing this injurious project, I fhould think this a fufficient cause. Do not, my friends, allow yourselves to be duped by unclaimable promises, or intimidated by false accufations; do not fuffer a feigned liberality, or an affumed benevolence, to impofe on your understandings; and above all things, do not concur in the revival of invidious ftigmas, and destroying pre judices.

I must affure the noble author, that amongst his multitudinous mistakes, none is more confpicuous than that into which he has plunged, refpecting the Roman Catholics of Ireland; amongst whom those who are capable of perufing his elaborate perform ance, are in general infinitely fuperior to him in liberality and knowledge of their native country; and those who are in point of ignorance and bigotry, on a level with the noble author, have not been fo for tunate as to receive the degree of education requi fite for enabling them to profit by his labours. The poor illiterate peasant, who believes that he has a better chance of falvation by going to Chapel than to Church; who thinks the Prieft a more holy man

If this be true, fympathy should induce the British Minifter to treat the Government here mentioned with fome degree of tenderness,

than

than the Parfon, and cannot die in peace, unless prepared by his clergy-is utterly incapable of comprehending the eloquent and pathetic enumeration of miferies produced and produceable, by the want of a Legislative Union with Great Britain. And the enlightened Catholic, who is above the meannes of bigotry, who approves of the good moral principles of all religions, and though attached to his own particular tenets, neither decries nor ridicules those of his neighbour-is infinitely beyond the reach of the noble author's ingenuity. Another of this author's falfehoods, I muft alfo point out, though I believe there are few among the Irish, and not many even in England, who will not know the affertion to be devoid of truth; I mean where he declares that the United Irishmen (or their Chiefs) "will accept of nothing but this very Catholic Republic, under the protection of the Atheist Republic." The noble author poffeffes a moft capacious credulity, if he really believes either that a "Catholic Republic" was ever propofed in Ireland, or that "an Atheist Republic" exifts. The first I know to be falfe; the other I believe to be equally fo The noble author alfo mistakes extremely, if he fupposes that the lower clafs of Irish rebels were led away by any religious quixotifm, or that their dif contents proceeded from "the cruel power of arti❝fice and defign, upon the devout and agitated bo"fom of poor and honeft ignorance, facrificing all "things, fuffering all things, and daring all things "in the cause fuppofed of religion." The Irifh peasants are too acute for this fpecies of impofie F2 tion,

A

tion, and the most enlightened amongst them, thofe leaft acquainted with the caufes of their infur rection, would probably inform him that they "went with the boys, because their neighbours Pat, and Darby, and Shemos went, and because if the boys got the better, they were to pay no tythes." In many places where the late rebellion affumed the appearance of a religious war (Great God! that religion fhould be fo mentioned !) the hatred vifible was to the Orangeman, not to the Proteftant, or occafionally to a Proteftant, only because he was fuppofed to be of the Orange party, who fome years ago drove four thoufand Catholic families from their homes-a fact well known in every part of Ireland. The Orangemen were originally the Proteftant mob of Armagh; the Defenders the Papist mob. Government feared their union, and confidering the Orange party (from being fuppofed profeffed friends to revolutionary principles) the moft dangerous, adopted the method which has fince been purfued, of protecting and countenancing them in oppofition to the other party; by which means they have been rendered the dupeş of defigning men, who regard their welfare as little as the welfare of the Papist mob, to whom they would be facrificed in their turn, did Minifters expect to derive any advantage from the change.

In general I difapprove of introducing into pub. lications like this the facred fubject of religion, but I cannot on the prefent occafion refrain from reminding the Catholic, the Proteftant, the Presbyterian, and every other fect of Chriftians, that twe

of

of the principal maxims inculcated by the founder of their religion, are comprized in these two fentences, "Do unto others as you would that others fhould do unto you," and "A new commandment I give unto you, that ye love one another."-Are these the principles of perfecuting fectaries? Do these resemble the tenets of political religionists?* Are these the axioms of minifterial bigotry? No! my brethren, these are the principles of charity, of kindness, of brotherly love,-This is the religion of which fo many talk, fo few understand, and still fewer practice. This is the fpirit of that faith, by which I fhould wish to fee every fect of Irishmen influenced. This is the religion which would render all good and all happy.—I will not " use hard words," and fhall therefore overlook the acrimonious obfervations of the noble author, and avoid any enquiries into the true and original causes of the "foul, unrelenting, common mockery of both perfuafions."

I do not understand what the noble author can mean by the real, neceffary, and indefeasible dependance" of Ireland; nor can I discover why. Ireland fhould be thought more naturally dependant than other countries of the fame dimensions, poffeffing fimilar advantages, and separated by the unbribeable ocean from all other lands. I deny the neceffity of her dependance, at the fame time that.

*Chriftianity would fare never the worfe if its profeffors were lefs poli ticians,

Cato's Letters, 3d Vol. p. 130.

I perfectly

I perfectly agree in the propriety of her connexion with Great Britain, while fhe finds it conducive to her advantage, or profitable to her intereft. In fact, the only natural bond of union between the two countries is that of mutual intereft, and nothing but the continuance of this intereft can preserve the connexion. The noble author tells us very candidly, "that the prefent order cannot laft, and ought not to be re-established, arises out of the state dangers and neceffities of England herself." Can any thing more clearly elucidate the true inducements to this beneficent offer? Can any thing more plainly demonftrate that the real motive for endeavouring to procure this alteration at a time fo improper, and under circumstances so unpromising, is that the refources of Ireland are neceffary for the fupport of Great Britain; and as it is impoffible to proceed in this deftroying war, without the ruin of fome part of his Britannic Majefty's dominions, the Minister prefers the destruction of Ireland first? If the people of England know their own interest, they will exert themselves in opposing a measure which deferves to be as unpopular with them, as it is amongst the Irish: for unpopular it is, and ever must be in this country, notwithstanding the affertions of ignorance, the declarations of corruption, and the unceasing efforts of place-men, pensioners, and borough merchants.

The noble author has taken infinite trouble to prove that the prefent connexion between Great Britain and Ireland cannot continue, but he has not contrived to demonftrate that any other connexion

between