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points of that argument; which does not appear to me to be half so interesting, nor half fo powerful from anology as from contrast, The anology extends no farther than the bable confequences of a parallel experimentbut the contrast comprifes the whole general circumftance and pofition of the two coun tries previous to the experiment; and the inference follows with accumulated and, I think, irrefiftible force, in favour of the prefent measure, fince experience has fhewn, that under circumstances of fo unpromifing a difference, that Union has ftill proved fortunate, and furpaffed the most fanguine predictions of the great statesmen, who were the authors of it. In the Scottish union, I am at a loss to discover any circumstances of refemblance to the present measure, besides the accidental union of the two crowns upon fame head. Was Scotland a colony of ours? Was Scotland planted and watered by our hand? Had it grown and flourished under

the

our

our protecting fhade? Was the property of Scotland in the hands of Englishmen? Was the parliament elected by Englishmen, and compofed of Englishmen to the exclufion of the antient occupants of the foil? Had the laws, the religion, the conftitution, and the language and the ftate, been tranfported thither from this parent country? From the first union of the crowns to the beginning of Queen Anne's reign, the legislative union had been a fubject of deep deliberation. Scotland had to melt and blend with a nation of "foreigners," and with foreigners her antient, and, as it was then faid, her natural enemies. Her wounds were yet green and stiff: reciprocal hatreds, alternate triumphs, a frontier defolated and famous from eternal warfare, and a history full of nothing but the injuries and invasions of England, were but little propitious to this new and wife defign. There was much to be forgotten or forgiven natural jealousies, old antipathies, national

pride and family refentments, were all to be foothed and won over by the evident utility and advantage of the union. Scotland befides poffeffed an actual and efficient independence; she had a real fovereignty to subscribe and furrender to the united parliament; fhe had a valuable confideration to contribute for the wealth, the fecurity, and the dignity the received.

But is this the cafe of the Irish planter? is his independence real, or any thing but a dangerous and delufive found, which tempts him to the rock, and draws him to the whirlpool? Is he independent of France, who pours her avengers upon the land? or independent of three millions of natives, who claim his estate with title-deeds and pikes? or independant of England, who defends him with her fhips, her foldiers, and even her militia? Yet Scotland preferred to yield this real independance, fo dear to her early prejudice. She preferred the fubftantial useful glory of a common

fceptre

fceptre and an imperial legislature, to the dull privilege of provincial greatness and municipal ambition. After centuries of cruel hoftilities, fruitful of wretchedness and glory, fhe fubfided into her true and just pofition, and incorporated with her mighty neighbour, to whom fate and nature had awarded the feat of empire. Now then comes the question of analogy. Has the repented of her prudence, of her true and wife magnanimity? Is the British name less glorious than the Scots? Is population, is commerce, is internal peace, a motive for repentance? Are improvement, arts and civilization, or the well being of life, motives for repentance? Have we violated the treaty -have we imposed tribute- have we abused our imperial power, or betrayed the confidence of the kingdom we united with If all this experience is loft and thrown away; if this analogy and contraft are both ineffectual,

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tual, I know not what argument can reach the deep rooted prejudice of Ireland.

Ìf the offer of union therefore cannot be taken as an infult to our colony; if America has not been much benefited by seperation; if Scotland has never charged us with breach of faith or partial exercise of dominion over her; if there be upon the face of the earth no condition more glorious, or more happy than that of Britons; and if to extend, participate, and fully communicate all the blefsings we enjoy, be entitled to fome commendation and to fome return, it will not I truft be too much to expect from the returning good fenfe and temper of the majority of the Irish Houfe of Commons, that the difcuffion may at least be permitted of this measure; the principle of which appears to have fo .many claims to their gratitude.

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