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comport with kindness, and permit her without cruelty to her colony, to place them on the fame footing with the best and faithfulleft of her fubjects: as will melt and obliterate all memory, and rancour, all invidious distinctions, all civil and political difference. Of the candid catholic, I will ask once more if he expects emancipation, and a full participation of power and fituation from the colony? If he expects it from the united monsters that deface his country, and have fworn that they will not accept emancipation? If he expects the catholic republic from the atheift ufurpers of France, who have overthrown the religion and the republic of their own country, and overthrown every religion and every republic, wherever their crimes or their arms have led them ?

If he expects emancipation from the parliament of Dublin, I will ask him if a handful

handful of men can emancipate a multitude? If an armed regiment will liberate a difarmed hoft? It is a mystery not very profound, that fear is a coward, that weakness cannot confide, and that injury never pardons. I will tell him plainly, the parliament of Ireland dares not to fet him free. It is the imperia parliament, it is the power, greatnefs, and fuperiority of England which alone can break his chains, or contain him in the first tranfports of liberty. It is the preponderance, the invulnerable greatnefs of England, which enables her to be generous, and permits her magnanimity. Will he refufe the boon at the end of fix centuries of calamity, of fruitless ftruggles, and tenacious oppreffion? Will he confirm and fortify the oath of reprieved or expiring traitors, that it is not liberty, but revenge, and plunder, and revolution, that he fights for? that it is the property and the blood of the English fettler

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for which he thirsts? Will he give this cruel right, this active caufe of tyranny to the colony, after he has abjured the mercy and the interference of the metropolis?

Surely, for ourselves at least, it is more just and wife, that we should affay to quench these interminable quarrels, and extinguish thefe ever-fpringing evils, in UNION.Surely, as an experiment alone, it is better, both for the fettler and the native, than the prolongation of fo many crimes and calamities.- truft it will be tried, before we decide once more to follow up our victorious arms with bills of confifcation and attainder I trust it will be tried, and that the act of Union will be an act alfo of amnesty and forgiveness. Since it is clear, de facto, that our colony is ftill dependent upon us, I trust we fhall not aid nor permit her to repeat thofe acts with which fhe has not blushed

blushed to reproach us.-I truft it will be tried, not only because it is innocent and mer-, ciful, but because it is politic and wife. For confifcation has been too often tried, and it has failed too often; but union is a new and hopeful measure. In Scotland it has fucceeded under other aufpices, and triumphed over other obstacles. It was then a mere speculation, but it now furnishes experience: it was there choice, but here it is neceffity. I fay neceffity, because the alternative that remains, is fuch as nature fickens at, as humanity rejects, as inftinct flies from: because it is rebellion, and military government; because it is imprisonment, and torture, and sudden execution; because it armed profecutors and juries of foldiers, with their ferjeants learned in the law, because it is the curfew, and the paffort-bill; because it is invafion, massacre, and rape, and pillage, and conflagration; because it is the wretchedeft and most degrading condition of humanity, the most disgusting feries of mifery and guilt, the blackest and

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moft lengthened fcene and proceffion of crimes and sufferings that ever humbled or afflicted man!

It has been faid, that the colonial parliament is able and refolved to provide a remedy for all these evils: that they have turned their eyes at laft to the barbarism of the people, and to the defects and dangers of their constitution. That they have difcuffed a regency-bill, and are preparing a national inftitute for the education of the people. But when have they done fo? In March 1799. After they have rejected the Union, they are at least fenfible that fomething is wanting to fecure the British connexion, and to render the condition of the native toleráble. But are thefe remedies, or only confeffions of the difeafe? what hope of a cure is there for him, who refufes the fpecific, and trufts his chronic to palliatives and delay? I wish to bring this point to the most direct

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