trade at this day. But her influence over the linen trade may be ascertained from another fact of the fame date, not less convincing, though alarming. In 1750 Ireland exported more fail cloth than fhe imported: but at that period Britain commenced a bounty on the export of their own fail cloth. The confequence was the total ruin of that manufacture. For in 1784 none was exported from Ireland, and 180,000 yards annually imported.]

In 1795 Irish Imports into one Port, viz.

London

British Manufactures

from Ireland to

Balance from only one

s. d.

2,209,5011. 3s. 4d.

168,687l. 18s. 4d.

2,040,813 50

Port in favour of Ireland

In the year 1785 Irish linens brought in two millions annually to that country: but we perceive from the last statement, that the balance from one fingle port exceeded this amount by 40,8131. But we shall further see how through English ports, extensive capitals, and dealings, the linens have found their way to foreign places to an immense amount and fo must it be with other fabrics. Such is the fostering hand and participation of British commerce! From the following statement laid before the British House of Commons, and which shows the prosperity of the linen trade, an important lesson may be learned by Ireland. Irish Linens exported from England, in

three quarters, to O&. 10, 1797, Ditto in three quarters, to O&t. 1798,

157,681 16 o

276,929 15 6 Increase

It appears also that a century fince (1698) her balance of commerce with the WHOLE WORLD was less than one fifth what it now is with one Port in Britain: and that thirty years fince, her balance of commerce with the whole world was about one fourth of what it now is with a fingle Port in Britain. The application of thofe facts to the advantages of British Commerce, to be increased through Incorporation or loft through Separation, are obvious. Befides, we should confider that England supplies* Ireland with falt, for fisheries and provisions: hops, that she cannot grow: tin, that she has not: bark, that he cannot procure elsewhere: coals, without duty; though her own fubjects pay two, three, and four fhillings a chaldron duty for coals fent coaftways, and in London, seven shillings.

In the establishment of all manufactures, and to which we look through the fecurity of Incorporation, there are two leading objects. The first is, cheapnefs as to provision and labour, and that is in Ireland: the next is a near, fure,

and

* See Woodfall's Debate, Auguft 12, 1785, in the Commons of Ireland, Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech,

and extensive market, and this is in England. Confequently, with a good climate, equal natural powers, cheaper food, and lower labour, the skill and capital of England will find its way to Ireland, in order to fell to England; and with fuperior fituation, and ports for commerce, the fkill and capital of England will find its way to Ireland to fell to, and underfell all the world.

Under Incorporation, commercial jealoufy muft fubfide, and each country forgetting rivalship, enjoy its own natural and artificial advantages, for their refpective and united benefits. One nation will purfue that manufacture which it can fabricate with most profit; and buy from the other what it can render better and cheaper. The communication between their refpective markets will be encouraged by a mutual preference; and confolidated and united they will foon out-rival all the strangers of the universe.

Commercial jealousy has been too long irritating both countries. It has been increased, and political jealousy has been roused by two Independent Legislatures. If the powers of the two nations, thus connected, yet jealous, be separately employed for commercial and civil aggrandifement, is it poffible that their political Union must not be fhocked? Separation of intereft must inevitably occafion feparation of connexion. Has it not nearly produced it at this day?

If we view for a moment the hiftory of ftates, we may fafely fay, on the analogy of facts, that Ireland muft, in the wildest scheme of Republican freedom, ever be a connected ftate. The plan of rebellious feparations demonstrates this truth for it looked to connexion with France. But nothing fave human phrenzy, could have conceived or fupported this extravagant purpose. Let the fituation of Ireland internal and external be examined: where is there more

civil freedom? where can men have fuch advantages as to commerce and protection? For, protection, and powerful protection the must have with fuch internal weakness and fuch a line of coaft. Where then fuch advantages, as to protection and commerce? Befides, no country on the globe would connect with Ireland, but on terms of benefit, contribution and conceffion. What nation upon earth then, would give, or could give fuch protection or fuch terms, as Britain? Let the map of the world be examined: Let the power of each empire be balanced: Let the interests of each state be fifted: Let the politics of all Europe be confidered and then let it be faid, if the Commerce, the Confiitution, the Religions of Ireland could or can owe their fafety, but to British connexion alone? That connexion indeed is an axiom in politics fo felf-evident, that it is the fixed principle of the wife man, and the canting pretence of the cunning knave. But that connexion will not, cannot fubfift with radical principles of feparation. For, the truth cannot be too often repeated, where there is feparation of intereft, feparation of connexion must follow. Whereas, by Incorporation, fecurity, freedom, opulence, and power are offered: far better than French Republics, or Utopian Directories.

But it may be afked, why does Britain offer Incorporation, and fuch participation of benefits-timeo Danaos dona ferentes? Most truly, on the principle of felf-intereft; liberality is the wife man's egotifm. The felf-intereft of Britain is, at this day, understood to be infeparable from the interest of Ireland; her ftrength is Britain's ftrength; her greatness Britain's glory. She offers Incorporation, because she is fenfible of the advantage of the connexion. She is anxious to give fecurity to Ireland, because she is thus giving

giving fecurity to herfelf; because Ireland fupports her navigation; † fupplies her commerce with raw materials in linen-yarn, woollen-yarn and hides; because it gives her provifions, money, men, and importance in the confideration of Foreign Powers; because it is for Britain, beyond the rampart of her rocks and the deep moat of the ocean, a citadel that the can furround with her invincible. walls.

These are the important reasons why the would embosom her in her bleffings. Will Ireland then embrace them and unite, or will she separate?

Separated, Ireland must be at war or peace with Britain. First: if she be at war, and a tool in the hands of the enemies of Britain, the confequence may be death to Britain

if

Had Britain an enemy in Ireland, and were fhe thus fituated between two hoftile lines East and Weft, what an extent of 'coaft would fhe have to guard against on both fides and to protect at home? How would her commerce be endangered and hemmed in on every point? How would she be exposed to invafion? The paffage from Ireland requires but boats and a short space of time. + The trade between Great Britain and Ireland, employs, as we have heard, about half the tonnage of English commerce in Europe.

Befides victualling the Navy, &c. Ireland is become a granary for England. It contains about feventeen million acres, which, though inferior in tillage, are fuperior in nature to the lands in England. For, even in this ftate, when they would require about 80 millions (or 51. per acre) to bring them to the fame degree of cultivation as thofe in England, Mr. A. Young estimates their acreable rental to be equal. We have before said that we believe this eftinate to be under the reality; however, it gives twelve million 750 thousand pounds per annum.

$ The population of Ireland is not fo high as stated in the late examination before the Parliament in that country. This was but an opinion; whereas, it appears from the hearth money books, that it is beneath five millions, but above four; perhaps it may he midway between both,