if the does not fubdue Ireland. And if the does fubdue her: the doctrine of prevention, against a cafe recurring so awful in its effects, may enforce the total destruction of Ireland.

But next suppose Ireland not at war with England: then according to those imperious dictates, which policy muft prescribe for Britain, and according to the principle of the balance of Power, Ireland must not throw herself into the scale of France. If it does, war is declared: and the refults follow, which have been already stated.

But fuppofe that these refults were not to follow: would the cafe of Ireland, united with France, be improved? It would then indeed wear chains. And though embellished with a falfe name, would they be the lighter? If it looks for freedom in French fraternity, it is to be foolish beyond the privilege of paffion. But if arguments, if facts, that the power of controverfy cannot change, may add weight to opinion, hear the French themselves: judge them both by their words and actions. *

Suppofe however that French fraternity were a kind embrace, and not a preffure incompatible with existence in wealth or independence-the fuppofition is however abfurd -but what would be the refult? + "France would be rendered both the weaker and the poorer, by thus acquiring an Island so difficult to be governed, and fo very expensive to be maintained." Confequently though Ireland began in peace, she would be forced into war; though the began in liberty fhe would be forced into flavery: though fhe began in dreams of wealth, she would die in the pangs of poverty, blood, and civil abjection.

Again:

See enumeration of the contributions, confifcations, and requifitions of the French Nation, with an account of the countries revolutionized fince the commencement of the prefent war.

↑ Dean Tucker.

Again: fuppofe Ireland not at war but at peace with England, and in amity with France, or a Province of France, which ever is most pleasing: even in this cafe, though Britain and Ireland be feparated, "the course of trade will be ruled by intereft and by no other motive. Therefore fo long as the English market will be the most eligible, fo long the Irish will give Great Britain the preference to other countries." And confequently Britain will be sure of the trade without the expence of protection.

But further; fuppofe, the English were to reject them from their market-what then becomes of Ireland? Will America take all her linens? How blind are men who view objects through the medium of enthusiasm and paffion! This however is at least a period for common prudence and common experience to teach mankind. But will Ireland trade to France, when driven out from England? "It is impossible for her to trade with her to any advantage. For, she must be a loser in almost every article. She can fend none of her manufactures into France, because they are rendered much cheaper in that country. And the can import nothing from thence, but what has a tendency to make her people idle instead of industrious."

Thus then ftands the cafe of Ireland: on the decision of which the existence of that state dépends, and in which the repose and security of the British Empire are deeply involved.

From this point Ireland is to afcend or defcend. Some change must, and will take place: and though it be not immediate, total feparation will inevitably enfue, if a real Union, or Incorporation of the Parliaments be not adopted. But by this meafure will the Conftitution be altered? No! all the effential good will be thus retained, and the contingent evil,

Dean Tucker.

which has been fo loudly murmured againft, got rid of. The complaints of one party against faction and its confequences must cease: and the complaints of the other against fubverfion of the Conftitution can be heard no more. The object is not to apply temporary palliatives to the one, nor to roughly amputate the newly-acquired powers of the other. Far otherwife! The Union proceeds upon radical principles, that its operation may be perpetual against disorder. The prefent conflict has coft his Majesty 10 millions of money and 40,000 fubjects in Ireland. Muft not every man be protected against his fhare in fuch calamities: the high and eminent, and the low and humble? Should not both. religions be snatched from a Revolutionary death? Must not all property be faved from Republican rapacity? And fince we have but one Constitution and one King, fhould we not have but one Senate, one fword, one purfe, one prosperity, Thould we not form one United and Imperial Britain ?

Thus all parties will and under a greater fcale of protecting vigilance; and the abilities and virtues of none be ftunted by the abfence of the Court. But while the Viceroy remains for all the wife celerity and dispatch of Executive Government, the proportions of power, and the selection of merit, and the just pretenfions of all, will be fixed upon a broader and fecurer bafis-the folid claims of virtue and of talents.

The fourth objection is, that an Incorporative Union tends ultimately to feparation.

This affertion we deny. For, if the causes of separation, that is, if the elements of difcord be difolved, all combinations for this purpose will cease. And, that grounds of folid conciliation are contained in the measure of incorporation, we doubt not that the conflicting parties of this moment, will find, upon difpaffionate deliberation.

The one body of men confifts of those who founded their purposes of separation upon the wrongs of Parliamentary factions; we take their own ftatements in order to convince them upon the fame point of ftrength, in which they have been pleased to place their motives. The other party confifts of those men, who, roufed at the meditated fubverfion of Government, have been victorious in its preservation.

Since, therefore, Parliamentary factions on one fide, and annihilation of the Constitution on the other, form the grounds of complaint, a competent and specific remedy for both will be found in the Incorporative Union. It is the vehicle of diffolution for all the caufes of feparation fo loudly urged by the one; and confequently for all the effects fo juftly dreaded by the other: to the one, it will give (instead of a party-government, or the rule of a Ministerial Cabinet, as they state it) the unparalleled blessings of a British Government; and, to the other, perfect fecurity for the stability of this unequalled Government.The Catholic will no longer have an ambitious and neighbouring zealot, as he calls the Irifh Proteftant, who is to rule over him; nor the Proteftant have a bigotted and envious Catholic, as he terms him, to endanger his property or his power. But both fects will be unalterably fecure against each other in the very fource and origin of their complaints.

The fecurity of the Catholic is obvious in the total removal of the causes: and the Proteftant may fully perceive. his fecurty in the effects, when rebellion can have neither beginning nor end: that is, when the Parliament, whether complained of as the inftrument, or viewed as the object of ambition, be incorporated with the British Legislature. But, should it ftill be asked, how will this incorporation of Parliament give more fecurity than at present, against those

who

who really plot for feparation, and whofe complaints are but a mask? The anfwer is, that, when this Parliament is fecured to one, and cannot injure the other by incorporation, then the Empire will decidedly protect itself against any branch or body, that should rife to violate the unquestionable bleffings of its Conftitution. Then, indeed, all complaints must be utterly vain; because no just cause for them can fubfift, and because this will be known to the empire at large; whereas, at present, the knowledge with respect to Ireland, is really little, and that little much obfcured. It is but the loud burft of explosion, which is heard at a distance, but of which the caufe cannot be feen nor examined.

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But, fuppofe unfounded complaints fhould arife, and arm for feparation, what would be the refult?-The reply to this question may alfo quiet the apprehenfion of fome men, who state that the Catholics do not now defire legiflative privilege; that, on the contrary, it ferves them as a blind camp, which occupies attention while they seek fuccefs in another quarter, in physical not legislative power. Let this be admitted and the answer is, that, fo long as the two nations are in reality feparated, (though nominally and apparently united,) instead of being incorporated in fuch a manner that no part can be influenced without the other, fo long their interefts are evidently not the fame, and their mischiefs cannot be evidently and mutually felt. But if really incorporated, they then conftitute one and the fame point; they are then indivifible in their dangers, and must rife or fall together.-And herein is contained the stability of the Irish Conftitution. The numbers to preserve these bleffings to themselves will be as fourteen to three ;-the numbers to deftroy them are now three against one. Confequently, it must appear from hence, that as by phyfica!

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