leaders amongst themselves, what clamour, mifconception and fedition will go forth and invite feparation? But fuppofe, on the contrary, that this influence fails, where an Imperial fyftem required unity; then, not only the Government is endangered by its weakness, but the whole Empire is fhocked and convulfed, and the States, perhaps, torn asunder, will present an awful feparation.

A view of parties alfo and of the conftitution of those Realms would clearly fhew, that they are by no means formed for any other Union, than an incorporative one, without danger of feparation. An abfolute Monarchy is well calculated for a different connexion, because it is above the re-action of an united State, or the influence of internal party and, on the fame ground, it is better calculated for remote poffeffions, or extended conquefts. Had Britain not been bleft with her conftitution, America had not been rent from her. And hereon both countries should seriously pause, to confider feparation. In abfolute Monarchies, one will prefcribes, and the fame will acts; but no man dares to im◄ peach it. Whereas, in any union of free States, (fave where the executive and legislative authority of each, and all, are the fame,) and in all diftant Governments, connected with Free States, are combined the elements of numberlefs accufations, which fupply with food the rage of parties at home. But parties are widely different, with refpect to States, federally united, and a Free State itself, or an Incorporative Union of Free States. In a Federal Union they are as the thunderbolt, glancing from one part of the horizon to the other, to rend afunder the unions of nature. But in a Free State, or Incorporative Union of Free States, they are like those bodies of vapour, that ferve as conductors to electric fire, and which feem to inflame the heavens, but enlighten mankind.

Parties,

Parties, however, fhould not be confounded with facti ons; and, of the latter, Ireland has long been too produc tive. They have been its bane; but Incorporation is the antidote. And were it only to purge the country of the dangers of this peftilence, it were a fufficient argument, for the adoption of this meafure: Because fuch bodies are always influenced by, private, not, public ambition: because their leaders would raife themfelves upon the management of individuals and the fall of their country because it is the very fpirit of faction to have divifion and corruption in the State, and not UNION in the Empire, not integrity in

its parts.

The chiefs of fuch bodies communicate their paffions to others and through the incentives of avarice and ambition increase their factions in fociety, to disturb the public peace, and rob fociety. What they could not effectuate indivi dually in a single state, they effe&uate collectively. But what they effectuate collectively in a single state, they could not effectuate in an union of the ftates. But, fince the viceroyal government, conftituted as it now is with legiflative connexion, has often been influenced, and unable to refift thofe factions: fince, from fuch moments, many of the mischiefs of Ireland partly may be dated: and fince fuch factions and their leaders, fhould any fuch hereafter arise, muft hide their diminished heads before an Imperial fenate, confequently, the great caufe of feparation will thus lie vanquished at the feet of Incorporation.

This want of Union, this divifion between the states and people of Britain and Ireland, have long enabled factions in both nations to bring difgrace upon themselves, and danger upon the Empire from abroad and at home. The fame causes

caufes muft ever produce the fame effects, and finally, perhaps, feparation. But Incorporation blasts it in the very germ.

On these grounds, therefore, it were obviously wife to incorporate the Parliaments. The executive government of Ireland would then affume a new form. When, unincumbered with the bufinefs of Parliament and diftractions of parties, all its vigilance and attention would be directed to the due execution of the laws;-and when, no longer exposed to the influence of legislative party, it could no longer be accused of confequent partiality.-Therefore, the prefent PLEA and DREAD of SEPARATION must be diffolved, and the bond of connexion between those realms be drawn clofer.

The fifth position is-That an amelioration of manners may not be expected from an Incorporative Union.

Violations of moral order have been too long permitted to fettle into habitudes in Ireland.- -The effects of fuch conduct in diftant times are felt grievously to this day. Britain, however, has not now a Sovereign, who REFUSES its laws, customs, and manners, to Ireland, as thofe in remote periods ;* but who has thrown open to it, freedom and commerce; and now offers a participation of Britain's opulence, stability, and glory : His heart is alive to the interefts of all his fubjects-his bofom is open to receive them in joy or diftrefs-and his arms to protect them.

Upon the fubject of manners, we shall be guided by the evidence of known hiftorical facts; and, through the experience of ages and countries, we shall feek inftructions for the good of Ireland.

At a moment when the public mind had not yet been enlightened by the progrefs of knowledge, the first Political

compact took place between England and Ireland. Both countries became confolidated under Henry II. by an imperial and dependent Union. The influence of this Union did not, however, fuperfede the evils of an uncivilised state; for the Irish were refufed the fanction of the British laws, and kept under the bolts and bars of their own barbarous customs. At that moment, they were moulded into a fpecies of moral monster, bereft of all the virtues of a favage state, and corrupted by all the vices of a civil one.

From the period of Henry II. in 1171, to the time of a reformation under JAMES, by Sir John Davies, a space of 440 years intervened; and, from that time to the prefent, we have a term of 188 years. Now, that all the habits which had been contracted through a fpace commencing beyond human record or tradition-whofe favage fhades had been fixed through the fucceeding tyranny of the civil state during 440 years; and which had been rendered still more favage, by the addition of new vices and the abolition of old virtues ;-that all this accumulation of lawlefs and tumultuary barbarifm, collected and forced upon the natives through unlimited time, could have flowed off in 188 years -we believe no man, who has obferved moral operations in fociety, could well expect. To this must be added, that thofe 188 years have been attended with peculiar circumftances, which were by no means calculated to eradicate bad moral habits, and give back nature to its genuine and true tone. But, if we remove those circumstances, which have retarded the progrefs of that moral amelioration brought about by the civil reform, have we not just reason to suppose that a rapid improvement in manners will take place ? And fuch must be the effects of Incorporation :-First, through a radical removal (as we have shewn before) of the difcord of the higher parties, which arms the tumultuary

rage and jealousy of the lower; and next, through an inevitable improvement (as we shall now fhew) of that condition of the lower claffes, which shapes them, in all countries and ages, into apt tools for rebellion and vice.

If the people be happy, they will be virtuous; and, if the great be virtuous, they will be happy. There is no maxim in morality more true. The question, then, for the application of this moral truth, is-Are the people of Ireland as happy as they might* or ought to be?-because, if they be not happy, do not expect civil virtue.

Poverty is tolerable, in states of savage equality; but it is infupportable in the aspect of civil opulence. Privations are indifferent to men, when enjoyments are not known; but privations become punishments in the centre of furrounding indulgences. Where there is excefs of opulence and excess of poverty, focial happiness must cease, and civil liberty expire. Eternal objects of envy, even the rich cannot be happy amidst their enjoyments. They arm the miferable with fire and fword against them: and a dangerous immorality enfues. In such cases also, corruption creeps by the path of meanness from poverty to opulence. And corruption mounts also, with a vicious rapidity, to elevation, by all the means of moral abjection. What, then, must follow fuch manners?

Throughout all focieties, in order to lay the foundation of civil VIRTUE, focial happiness must be established upon a general diffusion of wealth. We mean by this, that, with regard to the lower orders, they must have decent raiment, comfortable dwellings, wholefome and abundant food. Without these, civilised man is miserable: and mifery creates indolence; and both immorality. But indolence and immorality muft rapidly fubfide, under trade and commerce springing

*The statement made before the Houfe of Commons, in Ireland, by Mr. Johnson, is referred to-See note, page 10.