ing from fecurity. Security will foon bring English skill and capital to Ireland; confequent trade will promote agriculture; and trade, agriculture, and fecurity, fully evince the benefits of Incorporation upon human manners.-It is thus a system will foon develope, wherein we shall no longer fee one part of the nation condemned to idleness, another to indigence, and both to misfortune. But we shall behold activity diffused throughout the nation, without which there is no happiness; and energy, without which there is no virtue. Then the combinations of vice will ceafe among the afpiring low, and the expedients of bafenefs among the fuffering poor. Force of body or faculties of mind willoffer more easy modes of fubfiftence, honourable pursuits, and greater hopes.

The capital will no longer be a gulph of riches and men The one and the other will be diftributed more equally throughout the provinces. The towns will be lefs populous; the country more fo; and the inhabitants more united and lefs diftreffed, will find, in this new fituation, peace, hap-. piness, and virtue.

These principles are not founded upon fpeculation, but upon facts and experience: we reason not as metaphysicians, we speak from example. Hiftory demonftrates that manners are more pure, and happiness more great, in proportion as riches are lefs unequal amongst the people of all nations. Greece alone furnishes many examples of this truth. Lacedæmon owed, to this circumstance, the preservation of its virtues during ages.

We have further corroboration of the truth of these principles in the example of Rome.-After the expulfion of the Tarquins, an odious and difproportionate inequality remained between the two great orders of the state: had it

continued,

continued, Rome had foon perished, and perhaps its name had not come down to us. But, as this difproportion difappeared, virtues came forward, and prepared the Romans for the conqueft of the world. However, the plunder of nations brought on an inequality more deadly. The manners became rapidly corrupt, they prepared the ruin of the Republic they became more corrupt, and the Republic is no more. This is a picture: May it not prove a prophecy? -let France look to it.

But without recurring further to ancient proofs, we have a ftriking example at home. Behold, Britain! Where is there a more just and general diffusion of wealth-and where is there more happiness-where more virtue ?What is Britain, in thefe days of yeomanry-what was it, in those of vaffalage ?

In fuch barbarous times throughout Europe, fo different from the prefent, and in no inftance more than the following, the men leaft civilized were the most exalted. For to ignorance they joined brutal valour and brutal manners, and concentred the vices arifing from riches and power. Such an order of men was to be ruined before they were to be civilifed. And through commerce and the arts, this barbarifm of Europe has been removed. For, when the Indies flung its wealth into the lap of Europe, fuch men became more luxurious, more diftreffed, more fubmiffive; their fovereigns more free; and the people lefs oppressed. The whole mass of manners has been changed by commerce. Its activity has given new life to men, fince fortunes depend lefs upon titles than upon industry: for the man of nothing, who has talents, elevates himself, while the great man, who has them not, tumbles.

These are the indifputable effects of commerce. It has, throughout Europe-it has, manifeftly in Britain, freed

1

Kings from flavery; and people from oppreffion: and thus in all countries, commerce brings in riches; riches produce luxury; luxury puts down the high and exalts the low. Thus vice is punished, if not checked above; and virtue and industry encouraged below. It is the univerfal system whereby manners have been ameliorated: the proofs are. before us.

But if luxury pafs into a country throughout any other medium than that of commerce, the fame effects will not follow. We are informed by history, that commerce had enriched fome towns of Italy, and introduced luxury. The Popes introduced this luxury into France; and their legates left it in all the courts: but commerce was not in the train What was the confequence? This luxury rendered the people more polifhed, but not more civilized, not more politically moralized.

A nation becomes çivilized in proportion as it quits the manners, which marked its barbarous ftate. It becomes politically moralifed, as it obeys the laws that oppose diforder, and form an habitude of focial virtues. And it becomes polished, when it piques itself on its elegance in thought or action. Thus, for example, the Greeks were civilifed before the times of Solon or Lycurgus: they were politically moralifed during the ages of these two Legislators; and they were polished during that of Pericles. In modern times, the French amidst their luxury were polished: the English with luxury on one fide, and commerce on the other, ftand between and enjoy polith and political morality: whereas the Irish are in the extremes. The one class is not yet politically moralifed, for it has not contracted the focial virtues; nor can it contract them until it is happy in the comforts of the focial, ftate. But the other clafs is

arrived

arrived at the state of polish and luxury. If however atticifm and urbanity marked the decline of Greeks and Romans, what may be the refult to day, where polished luxury is at war with civil mifery? That which is not expected: virtue and happiness will arife from this state. For, commerce will advance the one class, and bring back the other to that point of political morality, where happiness will fecure virtue amongst the people, and virtue infure happiness amongst the great. And thus will Incorporation affimilate Ireland to England, and ameliorate the manners of the former. For, even the state of vaffalage was put down in the latter by commerce, and the nation advanced to its prefent point of polish and political morality.

It should be remarked too, that this meafure of Incorporation wifely combining the two great principles of Legis lation and Government, unfolds in one act the policy of nature, and the policy of the passions. It proceeds upon the phyfical relations of the two countries, as to position and advantages, and it confults the moral cast of society, or the manners and moral effects of natural and civil caufes. Muft it not therefore, clearly and inevitably, under the operations of fuch true principles, harmonize all jarrings, external and` internal? And through fuch effects must not VIRTUE be diffused throughout the nation? We fhall not then behold, what is the greatest VICE under Government, men living no longer under the empire of the laws. This is furely therefore a measure of found policy: Sound policy is found morality and that found morality will not ameliorate manners, is an unwarranted affertion. From the chaos of rebellion thus a great nation may arife, fecure under HAPPINESS, and growing amidst its VIRTUES.

CONCLUSION.

There are certain points peculiarly deserving the atten

tion of different bodies.

The

The Catholics will no doubt wifely balance what they' wish to gain, and what they have to lose by Incorporation. First, their great object is the acquifition of Legislative Power-but that power were more attainable in a British Parliament than in an Irish one, for the conftitutional impediments are equal in both countries, but the prejudices and apprehenfions must be lefs in the former. Befide, if they were at present to acquire emancipation in Ireland, it were a tantalizing boon which they could not enjoy. Nine tenths of the landed property being in the poffeffion of Protestants, it must enfure no small fway in county elections, which will be used with double exertions, to keep Catholics out of an Irish Parliament. And as to Boroughs, they were formed expressly to exclude Catholics from Parliament; fo that the whole frame of the Legislature must be broken up, and the whole constitution must be changed and altered, before they can taste emancipation, were it even granted to them. After this they will confider what enjoyments, the maxims of statesmen on tolerated fects, might move and fan&tion others to take back, if not fecured by Incorporation. When the Catholics were in the proportion of forty to one Proteftant, their restraints were very fevere. They are now as three to one; but this universal maxim of policy, with respect to fects, which is followed over the globe, even where they are weak, has been relaxed in Ireland, beyond example, where they are ftill ftrong. These are furely civil bleffings; and of which indeed fome of the most wise and virtuous men of that body feem truly fenfible. Unhappily however, under the fanction of names and fome popular principles in politics and religion, the fenfe and piety of others have been cruelly deluded by bad men. Miferable impoftors! What have they done? They have let loose upon fallen Catholics, upon mild and fimple cultivators of the

land,