land, the monster Fanaticism which drinks the blood of mankind. They have blooded the fun of their rifing liberties with an horrid war. Why did they prompt the Catholics to take up arms? Was it for religion? Their religion was not attacked: their temples are till open; even a college has been founded by the Government for the education of their clergy, and the inftru&tion of their youth. Was it for their liberty? Never did they enjoy so much. And in no nation under heaven does a fect differing from that established by the policy of the ftate, enjoy fuch a portion. The Catholics then will wifely fecure these bleffings. And as to the vanity of ambition and all its empty acquifitions, where laws and freedom are equal, furely there is a much more folid and endearing power over mankind, through the influence of an happy fuperiority arifing from the virtues, the opulence, the industry of commerce. Riches and beneficence are far beyond the glare of office, or the thorny pillow of station. We speak to the understandings of men, and not to their paffions.

Through the effects of the fuppofed Union we conceive that all profeffions must reap confiderable advantage. For as the profperity of Ireland will then keep pace with the prof. perity of the empire, and as the profperity of the empire must be indifputably increafed by this Incorporation, confequently by Incorporation Ireland must acquire aggrandizement and elevation. And as the population, commerce, and agriculture of Ireland increase, fa must neceffarily the objects of all profeffions; and likewife the remunerations of science and the arts be proportionately augmented.

Upon this ground, profeffional men may entertain wide and folid expectations, for there is an extenfive and obvious latitude for improvement in Ireland. If we calculate upon what that nation is, and what she was, we may see what she

may

may be, and confequently what men have to expect.-First, then with respect to what the is, and the latitude for future. improvement; there are many and great deficiencies in a civil, religious and commercial view; which are highly impolitic, and indeed disgraceful in so great an empire, and in fo enlightened an age. Is a continued chain of fanguinary rebellions, a proof of sivilifation? Is fuch a ftate of agriculture, is one folitary manufacture, is poverty and complaint a proof of enlightened policy? Is the most abject superftition, is the most fanguine bigotry, a proof of found or true morality? Is the commerce of the country compared with its extraordinary capacities, a proof of civil economy? Let men difpaffionately confider, if they would have Ireland remain thus? But fhe cannot remain thus: she must defcend by Separation, or afcend by Incorporation. And what that ascent or what Ireland may be, will be beft calculated on a retrospective glance at what he was. In the beginning of this century her balance of commerce with the whole world was about four hundred thousand pounds per annum : and now her commerce with Great Britain alone is about ten fold that fum. The question then is, whence the enormous increase which she has experienced within thofe few years? Because Britain before that period turned her back upon Ireland, and her face toward America, and fhe was loft in her fhadow: but then turning with a partial influence toward Ireland, that country has rapidly grown under the warmth of her splendor and protection. Now fhe would embosom her in her glory, and what must be the effects? Will men embrace them by Incorporation, or reject them and feparate?

The world is now entering upon a new epoch of things. New views and new relations, political and commercial, muft arife between ftates, from the coincidences of thofe times. A strange variation marks this awful period, and

renders

renders uncertain the pending iffue of affairs. It will therefore be at least wife in every branch of the British Empire, to coalefce and confolidate her energies, that the may meet this moment of trial with a commanding aspect.

It is no inconfiderable maxim in policy that Governments watch over the inclinations of their own fubjects, and confult the genius and tendency of other nations. They should hearken attentively to the times, observing the bias of men and season of things. These are Counsellors, whofe voice. fpeaks aloud to all parties, and should be the guide of all men. Tutored by them, they will remark, that in bodies politic as well as natural, difeafes may be death, or may prove remedies. The days of Cromwell were a political fever, when many vitiated humours were thrown off: Every disorder of the conftitution became notorious, and the remedies were under flood.

To day both diforder and remedy are manifeft in Ireland. Separated, however, as fhe is, the thunderbolt has often fallen, and its voice was not heard; but united, it must be heard, it will be felt in Britain. The whole system of things will be changed; the operations will be different, the wheels different, and the moving force better proportioned to the refifting power. In a more numerous * Senate there will be an acquifition of wisdom. And the legiflatures of the three nations will thus become the heart of the Empire, to diffuse vigour throughout the whole, by their found and wholesome laws or thefe laws must return corrupted and deftructive to that fource, whence they first originated. It will, therefore, be no longer the rash or unwife experiment of one nation, repofing for a prop on

the

*It may pass for a maxim in States, that the adminiftration cannot be plased in too few bands, nor the Legislature in too many.

Deen Swift.

the other in cafe of failure.

For the fate of one and all will

be at iffue, and the wifdom of the whole will, at least, be cautious.

Quo res cunque cadent, unum et commune periculum, "Una falus ambobus erit,"

VIRG.

upon

the

Thus then, with an anxious defire for the real good of the Irish nation, and for the splendor and invigoration of the Empire at large, we have placed before men their public condition, that they may think wifely and act justly, It were more than imprudent, at this day, to harmonife parties to an accordance, which was not founded unalterable scale of truth. But wifely, honeftly, and openly brought into unifon, and to embrace an Incorporation, they will foon fell to the earth the monster Rebellion. Proud are we to fay, that we do not ftand fingle upon the meditated ruins of bad fyftems. And we doubt not that one heart will animate and one mind pervade men, when they shall have seriously and difpaffionately reconfidered those injuries and laffes, gains and benefits, which have been or may be attributed to this Incorporative Union.

INJURIES.

The first injuries are those urged at a meeting of the gentlemen of the Irish bar-

1." That the poverty of Ireland cannot bear the weight of taxes, which the riches of England fuftain with ease and comfort."This has been clearly confuted.

2. "That in the United Parliaments, in all cafes of competition, Ireland muft fuffer."-It has been undeniably proved that this cannot be the cafe.

3. "That this Union tends ultimately to feparation.”—The reverfe fhewn for, WITHOUT INCORPORATION, SEPARATION must follow.

4.

"That Amelioration of manners will not refult from this Union, but perhaps the contrary." Facts, analogy, and the experience of ages, overturn this position.

The next Injury which has been attributed to this meafure by other gentlemen, has appeared in the following shape:

5. "Should the Proteftant gentlemen, whofe fervices ftemmed the torrent of rebellion, and faved the nation to the Empire, be removed?" The anfwer is, the causes of rebellion are to be removed, and the nation faved effectually to itself. Befide, how few of these gentlemen will be removed?

LOSSES.

6. The loffes of money to the capital, by the fums spent in England by thofe attending on Parliament. First, The number will be inconfiderable: fecond, if through this number a lofs were to be fuftained, it would be much more than counterbalanced by the civil effects: third, in reality, no fuch lofs can be felt from the overbalancing increase of commerce and fourth, fuch an apparent lofs were a real gain to the capital in views of trade and manufacture.

7. A formidable one, according to the fpirit of rivalry, appears in the diminution of reprefentation. Some have faid, that the dignity and confequence of Ireland would be lowered, by the reduction of its members. It is tolerably obvious that Ireland must be exalted in wealth and power, by this scheme. Befide, in fact, is representation a juft scale of political dignity? If fo, how fuperior in civil importance is the pot-house of old Sarum to the great and populous towns of Birmingham and Manchester together? Alfo, fince Yorkshire fends thirty members to Parliament, and London but four, then London must, indeed, be very inconfiderable as to its importance; and, its comparative confequence