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Obferve that the above values are computed agreeably to the ancient estimates in the Inspector General's Office, which estimates are upon an average about 70 per cent. beneath the real and present value of the articles.

Such is the comparative commerce of Great Britain with Ireland, on a fair average of four years, and of the commerce of Great Britain with the world. We shall now take another view of it under those two heads during the laft year, whereby the advantages, and disadvantages will appear beyond the power of contradiction in the self-évidence of figures,

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Valued according to the ancient rates, er about 70 per cent. beneath the prefent value,

Thus we fee clearly what is the value of the Irish commerce, and what is the value of the whole commerce of Great Britain. It now remains to confider the Revenues

arifing

J

arifing to Great Britain from thefe refpective fources of

commerce.

By the Inspector General's account, it appears that the amount of the revenue of customs collected from that part of the trade of Great Britain carried on with Ireland, was in the year ending the 5th January, 1799,-47,5421. The amount of the revenue of customs, collected from the total trade of Great Britain 6,899,8351.

Hence therefore it is obvious and incontrovertible, that, while Ireland enjoys more than a ninth part of the commerce of Great Britain, that commerce, which it might be fuppofed would contribute a proportionate (that is a ninth) part to the revenues, does not contribute an hundred and forty-fifth part.

Confequently, by comparing the British commerce with Ireland, and with other nations, and by comparing the cuf toms paid respectively by them to Great Britain for that commerce, it appears obviously, and beyond the poffibility of doubt, that Ireland has an advantage over other nations as 145 to nine; a fuperiority unexampled in all the systems of jealous commerce fince time began. For Britain lofes so much in her revenues; fhe has facrificed fo much to fofter and favour Ireland; to elevate her near herself in commercial rank, and now the would unite her in her unparalleled greatness. She has not only facrificed a fixteen-fold lofs in her public revenues, which the might have gained by the same trade with other countries; but, in the view of commercial purchase and individual calculation, the pays 25 per cent. more to Ireland for thofe articles, than the might procure the fame for from other nations. Therefore, the balance of the account ftands thus:-the public revenue of Great Britain fuftains a loss in the trade of Ireland, on the comparative proportion of its commerce, as 145 to 9; that is, the receives an hundreth forty-fifth part, where a ninth part is the proportion; or, to make it ftill

more

more clear, fhe receives about one thousand out of every fixteen thousand that might be expected. Further, this is not merely so much gain to Ireland, but a fource of incalculable gain through its refults, on her productive labours. -It goes however further: the private confumer in Britain pays 25 per cent, more to Ireland than he need pay, were the fame articles for his confumption taken from other nations, and which form the chief and almost entire trade of that country. What then is the additional result of this gain throughout its effects on the industry of Ireland?

But the advantages of British commerce to Ireland go ftill further.

On an average of the three laft years, the annual imports of the products and manufactures of Ireland into Great Britain, amounted to 5,510,825%. whereas on à like average, the exports of the products and manufactures of Great Britain, amounted to but 2,087,6727. Here then is a balance of 3,425,153. in favour of Ireland, operating upon the great fyftem of national induftry.

But the advantages of British commerce to Ireland go Still further.

British protection and connexion have opened to Ireland new channels for her manufactures; in return for which fhe imports foreign articles, and then exports these foreign articles to Britain. On an average of the three laft years, fhe has fupplied Britain with foreign commodities to the annual amount of 101,864 1. and in return for those she has taken from Britain, articles of the nature of raw materials, which are the elements of internal industry in Ireland to the amount of 447,477 %.

But the advantages of British commerce to Ireland go ftill further. We may, however, be interrupted and asked -Does not Ireland take, befide these raw materials, (which the cannot get elsewhere) the woollen and cotton manufac→ tures of Great Britain? Granted: but it is a feather in the

balance

balance of her trade. Let us fee what is the relative pro portion of these branches, without comparing them with the whole of her other trade?

Total value of woollen manufactures exported in one year, preceding the 5th of January, 1799, Ditto to Ireland,

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£. 6,836,603 £. 580,723

Thus then without heeding fractions, we may say that there is but a twelfth part of her woollen manufactures exported to Ireland. Now let us fee the value of the

cottons:

The Total Export of cottons during one year preceding the 5th January, 1799, amounted to £. 3,497,197 Ditto to Ireland £107,293

Thus then the exports to Ireland are about a thirty-fecond part of the whole. And what has been given for those by Ireland? her native products, and the manufactures of her industry. Befide, where else than in Great Britain could those articles of woollen and cotton have been procured, of fo good a quality, and at so cheap a rate? No where on the globe. Whereas the linens taken in return, for them could have been procured at a much more moderate rate, from various countries. What proportion, too, does the value of these two branches of woollen and cotton bear to the value of Irish linens? So little (as will appear hereafter) that Ireland takes further from Britain, in order to make up the balance, and as stated by the prefent Speaker of the House of Commons of Ireland, "Salt for fisherie and provisions; hops, which the cannot grow; coals, which fhe cannot raife; tin, which fhe has not; and bark which the cannot get elsewhere; and all these without reserving any duty, or a power to impofe any on them, though her own fubjects pay two, three, or four fhillings a chaldren for coals,

fent

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fent coaft ways, and in London ten fhillings." (Mr. Fofter's fpeech-Woodfall's report, p. 110). Such is the

prefent Speaker's ftatement of the trade. And as to the foreign produce which the takes from Great Britain, the whole during one year ending the 5th January, 1799, amounts to 1,412,504 according to the real value, and which she could not poffibly procure from any other market at so moderate a rate. This will be perceived when it is ftated that four of these articles are tea, muflins, pepper, fugar, and amount to about 900,000l. of the foregoing fum. But it should not be loft fight of, and therefore it may be repeated, that all these articles were not only procured in Great Britain cheaper than elsewhere; but were also taken in return to balance the extenfive exports of Irish products and manufactures. But the advantage of the British commerce to Ireland goes ftill further.

It is of fuch importance, that in Mr. Fofter's words (p. 109) " It is almoft neceffary to her exiftence." The' linen trade of Ireland is by much the greatest portion of its commerce and of that trade, about nine-tenths depend upon Britain. What then are the dangers, which menace this trade, without an incorporative Union? They are inevitable ruin. Without political feparation, without rebellious commotion, or without civil fhock in Ireland→→ commercial confequences muft alone diffolve the trade of that country.

Its own profperity prepares its death warrant under its prefent relations; every further advance to fuccefs is a step nearer to the grave.

"The watchfulness of Great Britain over her trade and na-^ vigation, which conftitute the fources of her power and her fplendor, was fufficiently marked for Ireland, by the Com

mittee of the Lords of Trade. It was this commercial vigilance that appointed them to inveftigate the Irish Act for granting BOUNTIES on the EXPORT of the linen and hempen manufactures

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