entertain a moment's doubt about EMBRACING THE OFFER." And as the linen trade much exceeds all the reft of the commerce of Ireland, and as nine-tenths of it depend folely upon Britain, what then must be the refult were the fyftem of bounties and duties, which conftitute almoft the principle of its existence, to receive a shock? If the public revenues of Great Britain fuffer by this fyftem, if the private confumer fuffers, by paying 25 per cent, more than he need; if the manufactures of Britain fuffer by reciprocal duties and restrictions laid on by foreign nations-if the interefts of Ireland be different, and feparate from thofe of Britain, is it reasonable to fuppofe that the people of Great Britain will not infift on the support of her separate interests? They have long and loudly demanded why they should be charged with this 25 per cent. on the confumption of Irish linens; the linen trade, nay, I may fay, the entire trade of Ireland. (as will appear hereafter) must be deftroyed, if this blind policy of separate interefts be forced upon the British by the Irish nation. Ireland fhould at least reflect that the British market would, if the operation of bounties and duties ceafed, foon be cheaply filled, not only with foreign linens, but that Britain herself would foon fupply her own market, as in the case of the sail cloth manufacture, which Ireland lost. The foreign linens at this moment, with even 25 per cent. against them, not only support a competition with the Irish linens, but underfell them in fome branches, Three Provinces of France also, which manufacture more linens than all Ireland together, might struggle for this market; but as the home confumption of Britain would foon increase, fo muft the home produce. And what the extent of this manufacture is in Britain, may be calculated upon the following comparative view of the exports of linens entitled to bounty.

Thus it appears, that while the Irish manufacture increased from 40 thousand yards, to two millions, the British increased from 52 thousand yards, to three millions, leaving out fractions. And this increase of the linen manufacture is daily becoming more confiderable in Great Britain.

The increase in the exports of British linens not entitled to bounty, has also been as great in value, as that entitled to bounty. And the foreign linens alfo, which pay duties. on exportation from Great Britain, have been able, befide the competition in the British market, to maintain a competition in the foreign markets with Irish linens, which receive a bounty on leaving the English ports for those markets. Thus, then, ftands the cafe of the Irish linen manufacture, with the whole system of bounties and duties in its favour. But what would follow were that fyftem to ceafe?-Commercial death. And this fyftem must be broken and destroyed, if instead of Union separate interests exifts; whereas new force must be given to that fyftem by Union, and identity of interefts. One plain and obvious question will fhew to every man of what importance and benefit an Union must be to Ireland. It appears that the principal market for Irish linens is Great Britain, and that four-fifths of the quantity imported, and those of the highest price, are confumed there; confequently the other one-fifthhas been exported: Now we ask, has the Irish bill of boun→ ties been able to direct the export of this one-fifth into her. own direct commerce? Surely no stronger proof can be ad

duced

duced of the fuperior advantages of British commerce and British capital; and, confequently, of an incorporative Union, with all those advantages. For, though the Irish exporter has at prefent an obvious fuperiority over the Englifh one (which is the cafe, though the bounties in both countries be equal) of five and a half per cent. paid for freightage, commiffion, warehousing, wharfaging, and other incidents attendant on the import of Irish linens into the British ports, for the purpose of export from thence; ftill there is not a decrease, but an aftonishing increase in the exports of Irish linens from Great Britain. Even in the last year, which was a confused period of rebellion, the increase above the preceding year, amounted to 149,059% This then, is an obvious teft of the effects of capital, which can afford long credit-of well afforted cargoes, of India goods, foreign linens, Manchester, Birmingham, Norwich and Sheffield manufactures; all of which have refifted the operative advantage of five and a half per cent. in favour of the Irish exporter. Since here, then, is an unequivocal and clear conviction of the benefits of English trade, it may be afked Is Ireland difpofed to furrender those benefits at home and abroad, or to secure them for ever?

Thofe advantages are no lefs numerous and extenfive, than they are fingular in their nature. For, in order to ef tablish a reciprocity, "Ireland ought to give a bounty on the exportation of English linens, becaufe England gives a bounty on the exportation of Irish linens."-Can any thing be more just? faid Mr. Fofter. But what is actually the cafe? The annual bounties paid to Ireland by England, on an average of the four laft years, amounted to 34,000%; and the annual revenues from the trade of Ireland, during the fame period, amounted to 40,000 l.: therefore, the annual balance for the gain of the British revenue, or for the ninth part of its trade, was 6,000 /., which bears a proportion to its whole revenue, during that period, (5,734,5254.) as one

to

to 850. Thus then England obtains one, where eight hundred and fifty are its due: fuch is the rate of favour above other nations, or of benefit to Ireland arifing from British bounties. And further: the benefit obtained by Ireland from the lofs fuftained in the British revenues, amounts to above 700,000l. per ann: which Britain muft receive, were Irish linens taxed equally with those of foreign countries. These extraordinary advantages however, Ireland cannot hold under the prefent fyftem of things. Not only separate interests must pruduce a separation of connexion, but without feparation of connexion, this commercial fyftem fo long and loudly murmured against in England, muft finally be diffolved, and confequently the trade of Ireland be

no more.

Commercial effects without an Union.

One of two events must follow, without an union; either Ireland will fink under the ruin of the present commercial fyftem, or under the fuccefs of it.

The ruin of it will be founded on the lofs to the public revenues of Great Britain; on the advanced price paid by the private consumers in Great Britain; on the detriment to the general manufactures of Great Britain; on the uniyerfal murmurs in Great Britain; and hence that "war of bounties," predicted by Mr. Fofter, and the inevitable diffolution of the system, because the interefts of both countries are not one and the fame.

The further fuccefs of Irish commerce, under the prefent fyftem, alfo unfolds the inevitable ruin of this fyftem, and that fuccefs is tolerably evident. For, notwithstanding the enumerated caufes of English fuccefs, contrary to the Irish Bill of Bounties, are as fo many embarrassments which bear upon the Irish exports; however, means of palliating them will gradually develop themselves; and it muft unavoidably enfue, that an exifting operative advan

tage

tage in favour of any branch of trade, will ultimately, though perhaps not rapidly, effectuate its establishment.

What then must follow? The commercial intercourse between the two countries must be ruined by a fuccefs which will operate to the diminution of the export trade of Great Britain, to the diminution of the returns of that trade; and confequently to the prejudice of her navigation and commercial intereft in general. For can it reasonably be fupposed that one nation will uphold another, by fostering its trade at an immense expense to herself and her fubjects, and at a loss to her revenues and manufactures, her navigation, and commercial interefts?—No: Ireland is too juft.

Or, can fuch a trade be continued, while the interest of the two countries clash, and infifted on as feparate, are made to war for feparation? No: Britain is too wife. Let the Irish well obferve that the Lords of Trade have confidered fuch a revulfion of commerce, as that juft pointed out and provided against it. They have told the committee of council" that in such a case, a reduction in the duties on foreign linens MUST take place; that the kingdom of Great Britain would thus be enabled to fupply herself as cheaply as ever; that she would do it with advantage to the revenue; and that she would probably too obtain larger confumption of her woollen manufactures, and other goods upon the continent of Europe."

But fuppofe that fuch mischiefs to the navigation and commerce of Great Britain were not to enfue, at least suddenly, or to a great extent; fuccefs in commerce is, however, a death-blow to the linen trade of Ireland, under her fubfifting connexion with Great Britain: for, the confe quences of improving commerce, is increafed opulence. The confequence of increased opulence is increased price of land, provifions, labour, and confequently manufactures. Therefore, as foon as the price of linen be augmented, its importation into Great Britain will decline, and that of fo