reign linens proportionately increase, without any lowering of the duties. Now the foreign linens are able to stand the market with Irish linens; then they would beat them out. The import of fine linens for home confuinption, would fuffer particularly; the import of table linen, &c. would be wholly loft and if the low-priced linens fhould take another channel by direct export from Ireland, then, through want of a suitable affortment for the English market, all the branches of the Irish trade. would be confiderably diminished in their imports into Great Britain. This would unqueftionably follow, without reducing the duties on foreign linens. And, as to the Bounties on British linens, either they must be continued, or they must be changed. If they be continued, inafmuch as the demand for the Irish branch of the trade diminishes, that for the English muft increase: this demand increafing, the produce will increase proportionately, and then the fame refults will follow, as formerly, in the fail cloth branch: For it should be remarked by the Irish, that, though Great Britain is at this moment fubject to great difadvantages in the linen trade, yet she is supposed to manufacture more than is exported from Ireland: confequently, he is in that improved state of the business, that it requires but mere will to advance rapidly; and this must refult from any further fuccefs of Irish commerce, under the continuance of British Bounties. But, on the other hand, can it be required that these Bounties fhould be changed; that is, that they should be raised for the benefit of Ireland, in order to check the foreign imports, and confequently charge the British consumer with the double increase, of foreign duty and Irish price, to diminish the public revenues; to injure the national manufactures; and to violate all the principles of commercial policy? Yet, if this be not done, the fuccefs of Irish commerce, is the tomb of its linen trade. What 1 What then must follow without Union? Waving the certainty of separation and ruin from political and civil causes, either Ireland muft remain as it is, with one folitary manufacture, which cannot be improved; and with an unfortunate peasantry, who are not virtuous, because they are NOT HAPPY, but are feduced into fedition through poverty, and afterwards made tools of rebellion through defpair. Or, in the next place, fhould Ireland be successful in commerce, then that very fuccefs becomes felf-deftruction, under the exifting fyftem, and the doctrine of separate interefts. The friends of Ireland therefore, will do well to confider a plain and fimple ftatement arifing from the two views, which we have taken of its commerce.-Ireland, without an incorporative Union, ftands expofed to private poverty -to public calamities-to defperate and immoral convulfions-to SEPARATION. Ireland, without an incorporative Union, is barred by her DEPENDANCE ON ENGLISH BOUNTY, and by the power of Great Britain over that bounty, from attaining any high eminence in commerce. Or we fhall fuppofe, against all probability, that Ireland, without Union, may become fuccessful in commerce: therefore, in fo much must she injure the trade and navigation of Great Britain in all its dire& confequences, and all its collateral relations and confequently, their commercial intercourfe must be hazarded, their concord broken, and their present connexion be diffolved. Or finally, fuppofe the connexion be not thus hazarded, and that he be successful :-then, fince the interefts of both countries are not one and the fame, irreparable mischiefs must enfue to Ireland; its trade will be loft by a very small rife upon her commodities, that must follow her fuccefs; for Great Britain will not, on the principle of separate interefts, and on the claims of her manufacturers, and on the grounds of commercial policy, increafe her bounties; Ireland, therefore, muft fall from a pinnacle not lofty, into ruin the most profound! However, However, that we may ascertain fully, what the must fuffer, by the loss of British trade, either through separation, which must follow non-incorporation of parliaments and interests, or through the confequences of fuccefs without incor◄ poration; and further what the may gain by an incorporation of legislatures and interefts, let us review the state of her whole commerce. And in order to investigate this matter fairly, we fhall not take a fingle year, but an average of three years; whereby we may fee, beyond doubt or deception, what is the real nature and full extent of the Irish commerce with Great Britain. LINEN TRADE. Plain fhirting and fheeting, at I s. 5 d. per yard, 2,600, 101 Other linens, 320 Linen yarn (raw) Cattle, 168,242 Thus it appears that on the average of 1796, 1797, 1798, the linen trade alone amounted to 2,844,402 L While all the branches of provifion, corn, and cattle, produced 2,411,455 L· * Therefore the linen trade alone exceeds all thefe, by 432,947 L. And as her whole produce and manufactures imported amount on the fame average to 5,510,825%. And as her cattle, corn, provifion, and linen trade, which fhe could not find a market for but in England, amount to 5,255,857 l. Confequently there remains out of her whole trade, for which she might perhaps find another market beside GreatBritain, 254,968 7. It must also be observed, that there are articles of foreign produce, for which probably she would not find a foreign market, but which Great Britain now takes from her, with her other imports, to the amount of 101,864 1. Therefore, it may with great truth be afferted,† that the commercial existence of Ireland depends upon Great Britain. The advantages might appear more ftriking, were we to detail the Irish articles favoured by Great Britain on importation, and the British articles favoured by Great Bri * Her linen trade alone is more than all the other branches collectiveły, carried on with domestic and foreign produce. ↑ See Mr, Foster's Speech, tain tain on exportation to Ireland. This, however, shall be only given in some instances, that we may not intrude too much upon the reader's attemtion.-Bacon is admitted into English ports FREE, from Ireland-from other countries it pays 21. 7 s. 6 d. per hundred weight: Beef free, from Ireland; and from other countries PROHIBITED-Cattle in like manner. Linens FREE, from Ireland-from other countries 25% per cent. We shall not enumerate any more of the imports, but specify a few of those favoured on exportation to Ireland-Coals, 1 s. 2 d. the chaldron-to any other place in British fhips, 15 s. 5.d.-and in foreign ships, 1 l. 7 s. 6 d.—Sugars in loaves, 1 l. 6 s. per hundred weight Bounty, when deftined to foreign countries, &c. &c.Goods permitted to Ireland, but PROHIBITED to other countries,-Coin of goid and filver.-Tools or utenfils in the cotton, linen, woollen, filk, iron, and fteel manufactures, &c. &c. Befide all Bounties given by Parliament, on British ships in the Greenland fishery, are allowed to fhips from Ireland. And fhips from Ireland are allowed all the numerous privileges of British ships. Thus we have obviously before us the nature and extent of the Irish commerce with Great Britain, which conftitutes almost the whole of its trade,-we see also what has been its wonderful increase, and the caufes of that increase ; first, the repulfe given to its competitors, by accumulated duties, and the fupport given to Ireland by extenfive bounties; though both operate to the loss of the British revenue, the expense of the British confumer, and the injury of British manufactures.-In the fecond place, we observe, that the cause of this increase of Irish trade, is the unparalleled and astonishing extenfion of British commerce. (See Table, E.)We behold also, that while Ireland by her connection enjoys more than a ninth part of that commerce, Britain does not derive a ninth part of the customs, but a 145th part-that is, the favours her above other nations, and |