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THE

POLITICAL,

COMMERCIAL, AND CIVIL,

STATE OF IRELAND.

WE fhould cautiously guard against the condemnation of

a great and important measure, before we have examined it in all its bearings, with the found and deliberate exercise of unprejudiced reason. For, however fublime the range of genius may be, or however high the cast of authority, they fhould not be admitted with affertions as arguments, nor unfupported opinions as proofs.We should try them by the unerring touchftone of facts and common fenfe. Genius may dazzle, but not elucidate; and authority may impofe, if not err-it often does fo. But facts cannot mislead, common sense cannot deceive. And, if by these two guides the people be fuffered to judge for themfelves, we are convinced they will judge juftly.

Having thus exercised their understanding fully and fairly, if they find an Union pernicious to the welfare of Ireland, then, in the name of common fenfe, let them reject and oppose it to the last extremity. But, if on the contrary, they perceive, that it is the only hand which pours oil into the

wounds of their bleeding country, and binds them up for ever; if it be the only means to heal particular grievances, and to promote general welfare, let them in God's name embrace it. And judging of it, let them coolly and difpaffionately direct their views to the whole intereft of Ireland, which muft, unavoidably include their own particular welfare; let them also confider well the state of Ireland to day: the state of the Empire and of Europe, the caft of the times, and the awful condition of the civilized and bleeding world, —and then they will judge justly.

On a fubject fo comprehenfive, fhould any arguments be advanced, which have been more ably enforced before, we trust we shall be excufed: at the close of a long difcuffion, perhaps, it is not unpardonable, as it is not unwife, to refresh the memory of conviction.

One ground, however, remains yet untrodden-it is that of commerce. And on this important ground we hold it our duty, fo far as full and authentic documents enable, us, to inftruct our fellow fubjects in Ireland, and to warn them with anxious concern as they value their country, and almoft their existence as a nation, to think wifely, and act justly. For this purpose we shall lay before them a body of evidence on Commerce, which is incontrovertible by the highest, and we doubt not, will prove conclufive to the meaneft capacity, on the fubject of an Union.

It has, however, been afferted, that though the wisdom and expediency of an Union were manifeft, it is not lawful. Now, in the very affertion, there is a plain contradiction to the point advanced. The effence of all power and all law is neceffity: which neceffity is in other words an imperious principle, called the good of Society. Whatever, therefore, is wife and expedient, contains that eternal principle, and is the effential bafis of all laws whatever, whether they be fundamental laws or laws of regulation.

But,

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But, without dragging an heavy load for conteft, we fhall, like David when he would not encumber himself with the weighty armour of Saul, enter the conflict in a different manner. We affert, therefore, that the Parliament is fully competent to enact an Union': and our authofity is that of Coke, Hale, Blackstone, the great and honeft Lord Somers, and the four present Chief Judges of Ireland. And who can be more perfonally affected against an Union, from their official fituation, than the last named' authorities: and what authority' ftands higher for difcernment, than that of Lord Clare; what one more pure or exalted, than that of Lord Carleton;more able than that of Lord Yelverton;or more profound than that of Lord' Kilwarden? Befide, if the Parliament of Ireland be not competent to this act, then the great and effential powers' of Parliament are blafted, and its beft authority is no more. What is the Catholic Bill reduced to by this argument?

A public infringement on the rights of individuals. What the propofed reform? An unlawful abrogation of corporative franchifes. What the repeal of the Declaratory Act, of the 6th of George I,? A nullity-an act of ufurpation; and the Parliament of Ireland is ftill bound by English laws. But we need no stronger teft of the invali-" dity of an opinion, than the absurdity of its consequences. Befide, if the Prerogative of the Crown, the Privileges of the People, and the Conftitution of Parliament, be not sub- ject to its control, how, in the name of common sense, did we, the subjects of the King of Great Britain, attain the invaluable bleffings of that Conftitution we enjoy fo eminently above other nations? Such crude affertions really deferve no answer. For if Parliament had not this competency, we had been stationary in bondage, like the other' flaves of Europe. But, thank God, every thing is within the power of the Parliaments of these realms, which is for

the good of their respective nations, and Parliament has no other fundamental law nor limitation.

The question then is, whether the proposed Union be for the good of the Irish nation, or not?

As this question includes the benefits derivable by the people of Ireland, from her present fyftem, and those from an incorporative Union, we fhall, in order to bring the matter to a clear iffue, confider the prefent Political, Commercial, and Civil ftate of Ireland. And under these three general heads abundant proofs will concur, to enable us to decide accurately and fully which of the two fyftems, the prefent or the propofed one, ought to prevail, with a view to the good of the people.-Unfortunately, the happiness of the people of Ireland, is according to the opinions of many, found wanting in the balance of present good. If fo, humanity, however, weeps over the folly of pride, and fometimes pardons the weakness and ambition-but can the mean dread of lofing authority blind particular men to the common utility of their nation-do not its wounds cry, unto them, or can they be deaf to an awful fentiment of their own individual condition? The great voice of nature furely cannot be drowned, in these times, in filly prejudice or calamitous error.

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POLITICAL STATE.

The political state of a country may be confidered internally and externally. The internal state includes its government and powers; the external ftate its relations, in point of enmity or friendship, with other nations. In those. two views let us confider Ireland.

First: As to the government of Ireland, the policy of its arrangements in 1782, marks the imperfection of its prac

tical