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and to her own disadvantage, in the propertion of 145 to 9, -Hereby Great Britain fuftains a fixteen-fold lofs, and gives Ireland a fixteen-fold gain, or infinitely more in the refults. She now offers Ireland further, the key of her treafures, and the fecurity and increase of that commerce,-to clothe the naked peafants of that country, feed their hungry offspring, and give their families comfortable dwellings. But it is faid they are indolent. And why are they indolent? From moral effects, which we could easily trace, to civil causes, that muft wither under the influence of the Union. Be it granted, however, that they are indolent: but are they not indigent? Is the feverity of labour softened by due rewards? For if they be thus indigent, they must be idle. The cafe is ever the fame, where labour and industry are not animated by proportionate returns.— It is true policy, and alone true, which supports a reciprocal advantage; which roufes, animates, and spreads abroad, afpirit of industry amongft the poor; let us be affured, that the happiness of mankind is at once a liberal and a selfish principle.

It appears throughout the commercial fupport given by Great Britain, for the amelioration of the fate of the labourers and manufacturers of Ireland, that there is a balance of nearly four millions annually, for the direct produce of the lands, and their labour. Great Britain invites forth, animates and remunerates Irith induftry by 5,610,825% per annum; whereas the British peasantry and manufacturers receive in return from Ireland but 2,087,672%.

She holds out alfo to the induftrious manufacturers of Ireland, all the improvements of genius and difcoveries in the arts, to facilitate their skill, their fuccefs, and opulence, -while fhe prohibits this communication to other nations around her.

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She even renders lefs detrimental to the poor of Ireland the luxuries of the rich, by fupplying, at a cheaper rate than it could be procured elsewhere, that quantum of fo> reign productions which indulgence deems neceffary.

She pays the manufacturers of Ireland 25 per cent. more for their linens, than fhe could purchase them for from others.

She has, by her wife and liberal protection, fostered this great trade of Ireland, in fo much, that he has augmented industry amongst its manufacturers ten fold.

She has thrown open her ports, free, for the produce of Ireland; while fhe has prohibited the like articles from other countries.

She supplies the wants of Ireland, at a less revenue, than fhe fupplies the wants of her own natives. She imparts to her almoft the neceffaries for commercial exiftence. She gives her the means ef carrying on her manufactures, and of vending her manufactures; and the fends her the raw materials, these elements of her industry, while she strictly refuses them to other nations.

She has thrown open to Ireland, the commerce of the world: And, as it is trade and commerce that have broken the iron yoke of bondage in other countries; fo they will in Ireland exalt the humble, and bring down the high, to that point of civil morality, where BOTH will be happy.

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But is this large cup of bleffings which is preparing both for the poor and rich of Ireland, to be dashed by the wickedness of cabal, or weakness of party? There is a standard whereby we can measure found policy, and it is an unequivocal one-it is facts; against which all affertions are but an idle waste of words. Then to these facts we appeal :

Are the peasants of Ireland BADLY CLOTHED, ILL FED, and WORSE LODGED than the peasants of any part of Europe? It is afferted by numbers that they are. And whence this? Is it owing to the form of Government? No

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It is the British form of Government, and none can furpafs it. Is it owing to the climate? No; none is more happy. Is it owing to the foil? No; none is more fertile. Is it owing to the nature of the individuals? No; for, by nature, none are more active, more zealous, or more 'ftrong." To what, then, is it owing?-To practical defects in the political, commercial, and civil ftate; which can never be remedied, but by an Union alone-and without which, all that is now good in the ftate of Ireland, must be diminished and gradually lost; and all that is evil retained and gradually increased, until civil diffolution follows.

It is a really a blind policy which has purfued feparate interests in the civil community of Ireland, but it is fomething worse which would now pursue them in the two great political communities of the Empire.

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If this doctrine of feparate interests prevails, the merchants, artificers, landholders, farmers, and cultivators of! Ireland must be ruined. However, before misconception, or worse ambition facrifice fo many victims, let men pause! Let them confider well before they refuse to establish as a right, that commerce which is now a courtesy. In reality, they are destroying every poffibility of its continuance, even as a courtesy, when they may convert it into a lasting security.

But they affert, that the minifter's object, in this meafure, is taxation-That no taxes will or can bear upon the poor of Ireland, we have already * fhown beyond the power of difpute. And upon other claffes, only a certain portion will be fixed; beyond which portion, no power of taxation can go, let the increase of the sources of revenue be ever so great, without a total diffolution of the compact of Union. Ireland, most certainly, will be rendered rich and productive by commerce, but cannot, under the Union, be rendered poor by taxation.

* See Union or Separation, p. 5.

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Befide, the prefent commercial fyftem between the two countries cannot hold without an Union; it is altogether impoffible. The Members of the Houfe of Commons, who are concerned with the great manufacturing places, urge loudly that there is no reciprocity:-for, Englifh manufactures are loaded with duties, while Irish manufactures are not only exempted from them, but are encouraged by Bounties, to the domeftic coft of the people of England, and to the detriment of their foreign trade. The revenue foregoes, as has been fhewn, above 700,000 l. per ann. in 1. the duties which are not levied on Irish linen; and the subjects of Great Britain pay at least a million more for their linens, than they might do if the importation of foreign linens were on an equal footing with thofe of Ireland. Is it reasonable, in policy or confcience, to fuppofe that they will thus give their treasure to Ireland, and for the purpose perhaps, of feparation, or for the benefit of an enemy, against whom they protect Ireland even with their blood?-In fome. future moment of wanton pride and accumulated power, Ireland might conceive her exifting connexion infulting, and separate.

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. Befide thofe arguments for Union on the part of Britain, furely on the part of Ireland, if she wants industry, as has been urged, and wants capital, as is known-where can thefe be found, but in Union with Britain? Without the connexion of fome other ftate, Ireland CANNOT exist-and unless that connexion be British Union, the cannot exist as a commercial Nation: for, if Britain, impelled by the motives already ftated, fupprefs a trade in thofe commodities whereby the can raise the value of her own; and if the exports from Ireland to Great Britain be discouraged, as the exports from England to Ireland: what must become of the Irish trade?-Can fhe turn for a market to Ruffia, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Holland, Poland, France, Spain

* See Mr. Peel's Speech on the Union.

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Where will fhe find vent for her linens, cattle and corn? Can fhe undertake an Eaft India trade, and for those articles? Can fhe, in this abandoned and impoverished state drive a West India trade, when fhe cannot even now? -Will fhe look for encouragement to America ?-Will fhe turn for the loft trade to Africa ?-There is demonftrably no fecurity, no refource, for the vent of her products and manufactures over the globe, but through Britain; because, whether they be natural or artificial, the other nations of the earth can furnish them cheaper. What then must follow if Ireland were separated and independent? She might fink into her Brehon barbarity, † or fall back into that Gothic government, characterized by feuds, murders, and depredations.

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We have before fhewn‡ the abfurd and fhort-fighted fears of Dublin-Wherever commerce is accumulated, its inAluence muft pervade the whole country, animating industry into life and action. It is certainly true that the trade of Dublin is now greater than that of any other commercial place in Ireland; but it by no means follows that it will not preferve the fame proportion in the increase, which it now holds in the prefent partition of commerce §. But if

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*Notwithstanding the free trade of Ireland, she has not faculty to carry it on. Britain fupplies her with seven-eighths of her West Indian confumption.

The Brebon Law was the ancient code of the Irish; whereby murder, treafon and robbery were punished with a Fine, which was called an Ericke

See Union or Separation.

§ Present state of trade, by a view of the tonnage 1797.

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